WEBVTT

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[HMD African American History Month Lecture:
“Called To Practice"]

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[LHC Auditorium February 25, 2010
Not for Public Dissemination]

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[Dr. Elizabeth Fee:] I'd like to welcome you to this celebration

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of African American History Month.

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You might have noticed that we've had

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several celebrations. A couple of days ago very nice program, organized by Jill Newmark.

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We have two exhibitions and about about one of them

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more in a moment and now we have our African American

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History Month Lecture by

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presentation by Sheena Morrison. Now I'll introduce Sheena

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for a minute or two.

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She-- Sheena has an excellent training

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both in history and public health.

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She holds a Master's degree in history from Columbia University,

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and she's currently finishing her dissertation in the history of public health and medicine,

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also at Columbia University. Her master's in public health

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comes from Hunter College, New York, where she specialized in

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community health education. She then worked in the Office of the

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Public Health Historian for four years,

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where she was responsible for archival

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research for running an oral history program. And for assisting researchers want both

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inside and outside the Public Health

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Service who wanted to do research.

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Now, sadly, that office is now defunct.

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So Sheena worked for a while as a

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contractor for the History of Medicine

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Division and did a terrific job for us.

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She, among other things, has worked on an exhibition,

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and the exhibition is currently just outside

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and inside the history of Medicine Division. It's called Nothing to Work With

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but Cleanliness:  African American Grannies,

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Midwives and Health Reform.

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So I hope if you haven't seen it yet, you will come and see it.

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And today's lecture is on a similar a project,

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Called to practice: African American "grannies",

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midwives, & health reform.

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Let me take just a moment to tell you about

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the next Women's History Month lecture.

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It'll be on 25th of March and the the topic is:

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Reproductive Technologies and the Post Human Future.

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Are we there yet? It's by Professor Valerie Hartouni of the

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University of California at San Diego. And it's here in the Lister Hill Auditorium,

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also at 2 o'clock. Now, if you would please join me

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in welcoming Sheena Morrison.

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[Applause]

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Oh, there's one thing I didn't neglected to tell you about Sheena,

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and she is the H1N1 historian.

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She is situated both in the National

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National Library of Medicine and also in

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the Office of Preparedness and Response. So she has two mentors,

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supervisors, one in each place, and she travels back and forth.

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And is doing a wonderful job for that office of recording history as it's happening.

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[Sheena Morrison:] Thank you Liz. Good afternoon.

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[Presenter preparation]

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[Called to practice: African American
"grannies", midwives, & health reform]

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Prior to the 1920s, most African American midwives in the South became midwives

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either by apprenticeship, usually with the familial relation

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or because they believe they were called to do so by God. After the 1920s,

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the only way to become a midwife was through recruitment to one of the

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state sponsored midwifery training programs by a public health nurse.

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The programs were intended to improve

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maternal and infant care in the rural South and range from the minimum basic

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instruction to expansive preparation. From simply providing midwife permits and

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birth registration to more structured training in the form of annual midwife

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institute and monthly club meetings. Training programs for midwives in the

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United States were only meant to be a temporary solution to meet the needs

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for maternal and child healthcare services in areas where hospitals

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and physician services were scarce. But in the South, racial segregation and a weak Southern

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economy sustained the social conditions which expanded the role of midwifery and maternal and care,

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even as reformers sought to eliminate the practice of midwifery. As a result,

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midwifery persisted in the South for more than five decades

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beyond the campaign to eliminate midwives. The material for this talk is drawn

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mainly from the National Library of Medicine's American College of Nurse Midwives collection and is

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based on an exhibit that I created, which is now on display outside the History of

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of Medicine reading room here at the library. Called to Practice is just one of many narratives about

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granny midwives that can be culled from the material in the collection.

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The focus of my talk will be on the state and local training programs

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designed to educate the granny in the rural South from the 1920s through the 1960s.

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I will begin with an overview of the context in which training programs for midwives first emerged.

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Followed by a description of the two primary modes of instruction,

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clubs and institutes that were used to teach African American midwives in the South.

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To conclude, I will show 4 short clips of the film All My Babies. The film was commissioned by the

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Georgia Department of Public Health and directed by George C Stoney in 1952

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to educate local midwives. The clips I have chosen illustrate key concepts

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taught in midwife training programs throughout the South.

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For over 3 centuries, African American midwives delivered

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babies and practice folk medicine in rural counties throughout the South.

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Without any formal training but with a good deal of practical experience,

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the granny midwife treated pregnant women, their families, and other members of her community.

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And freedom as in slavery, African American midwives worked under the most difficult conditions.

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There was little improvement in the overall standard of living for most African Americans in the

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decades following the Civil War. Black families in rural South and

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the rural South still lacked clean water, adequate housing, and nutrition. As a result,

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many of the communities were beset by endemic and epidemic disease. Midwives were one of the many

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different kinds of healers. Their residents, black and white, relied upon for care and treatment

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when they became ill, and they were held in high esteem.

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The practice of midwifery came under

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public scrutiny during the 1910s, when progressive reformers collected birth and death--

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death statistics that show mortality among women and infants in the United

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States was significantly higher than in some Western European countries.

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American physicians and public health officials tended to attribute the higher

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death rates to the unsanitary practices and superstitious beliefs of midwives.

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Some reformers advocated for midwives to receive formal training, but most argued that the better

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solution would be to replace midwives with physicians altogether. During the next two decades,

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reformers campaign unsuccessfully to eliminate the practice of midwifery.

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Resolutions to the midwife problem were frequently the subject of

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discussion at annual meetings held by professional organizations with an

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interest in maternal and child health. But some of the social and economic

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barriers to eliminating midwives were not so easily overcome. In Northeastern cities,

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midwives have been largely displaced by physicians working in hospitals.

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Many women considered hospital births the modern and advanced form of delivery.

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But midwifery persisted in southern rural communities, where the majority of African American

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midwives practiced. During this period there was simply not enough skilled

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physicians or hospital facilities in southern rural communities to replace

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the services provided by midwives. African American midwives were

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responsible for the delivery of over 50% of all black infants in the

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South and 25% of infants nationwide. Moreover, most physicians, white and black,

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were unwilling or unable to accept the

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meager fees midwives were willing to accept. Often,

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midwives would accept livestock as payment

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or be forced to receive nothing at all.

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In an era of pervasive racial discrimination, few black families had access to or could

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afford the cost of hospital deliveries. Poverty and discrimination also made

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home births more desirable than hospital deliveries to many African American

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women living in the rural South. As a result of these barriers,

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training for African American midwives was deemed the most viable solution.

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Reformers proposed that granting midwives be trained by public health nurses, certified in midwifery,

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and regulated through the state and local health departments.

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There were no legal precedents for the care of maternity in the United States prior to the 1920s.

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In 1921, Congress passed

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the Sheppard-Towner Maternity and Infancy Protection Act, the first piece of of legislation

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to address maternal and child health in the United States. The bill, which was administered

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by the Children's Bureau, was enacted by a coalition of reformers and public health officials

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concerned about the large number of deaths among women and children.

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The Sheppard-Towner Act was intended to address some of the commercial, I'm sorry, some,

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of the economical barriers to healthcare for mothers and and infants.

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Supporters of the bill had hoped that it would lead to universally available maternity care,

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but their vision of publicly funded medical and nursing care for every woman was lost in 1927 when

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a coalition of medical societies and conservative organizations. Charged that it was a step towards

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state medicine and fought efforts to renew it. From 1921 to 1929,

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the Sheppard-Towner Act provided matching funds to states for midwife education.

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Midwife training programs were only meant to be a small part of the overall

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purpose of the act and Southern states, however, instructional programs for midwives

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made-up a significant portion. Southern states with large numbers of midwives have and a shortage of

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physicians and hospitals invested heavily in regulatory and training programs.

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The midwife programs established under the Sheppard-Towner Act were modeled on the pioneering

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work of doctor S Josephine Baker, the director of New York City's Bureau of Child Hygiene,

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who was closely affiliated with the Children's Bureau. Baker was among the group of reformers

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who saw midwives as a necessary part of the healthcare system and argued

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in popular and medical journals that death rates for midwife attended

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births were not higher than hospital deliveries attended by physicians.

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Others, like doctor Joseph B DeLee, known also as the father of obstetrics,

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argued against the midwife having any role in maternal and child healthcare. In his own words,

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he was fundamentally opposed to any movement designed to perpetuate the midwife.

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Regardless of their stance on midwifery, private practitioners and public

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health officials all agree that midwives could not continue to deliver babies without the benefits

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of scientific medical knowledge.

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As part of the overarching goal to modernize childbirth practices in the South

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granny midwives were required to register with health departments to obtain a permit and to attend

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a prescribed course of study. The venue for instruction was usually the monthly midwife club

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and the annual institute. Some states had literacy requirements and required midwives to undergo an

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annual physical examination to remain in compliance with state regulations.

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Early state efforts to monitor midwives first began with the campaign to locate

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and register all practicing midwives. Registered midwives were then mandated

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to attend monthly midwife meetings, usually held in local health

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departments or churches. A nurse midwife, charged with

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statewide supervision of the midwives, traveled to the different counties, providing a series of

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lectures on cleanliness, equipment and birth registration.

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To ensure that the women maintain sanitary standards beyond the monthly midwife meeting, a nurse,

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midwife or public health nurse also visited the homes of the midwives and sometimes

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accompanied them on deliveries. Midwife clubs were initially organized to

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regulate midwives and serve as a venue of support for small groups of women.

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There is some evidence that the concept of midwife clubs first served as a measure

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of control in counties where there wasn't an organized health department.

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Little in the way of instruction was accomplished early on. The monthly meeting served primarily as

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a means for the local health officer to keep track of the register midwives.

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They later evolved into sessions where, in addition to some instruction,

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midwives could replenish their supplies. During the mid during the meetings,

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midwives could buy the supplies at cost from the nurses. But even at cost,

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keeping the bags stocked according to regulations sometimes proved to be

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a hardship for many of the midwives who were barely making a living from their practice.

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The replenishment of supplies also provided a concrete reason for the

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monthly meeting and was a good segue into the bag inspection.

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The midwives bag was inspected for cleanliness and content by an assigned

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group leader or the public health nurse. Midwife bags often contain herbal remedies,

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patent medicines, and in some cases, drugs provided by local physicians.

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After the Sheppard-Towner Act, they were prohibited from carrying any item

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not approved of by the Board of Health. Whereas clubs tended to be more

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means of regulating midwives, training was the primary focus of the annual state sponsored institute.

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There was more planning involved, and a typical two week institute drew women

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from all over their respective states. These were generally held on the

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grounds of black colleges or normal schools with overnight accommodations for large groups of women,

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and midwives were responsible for paying for their own room and board.

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Instruction was carried out through demonstration, role-playing and songs.

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Because most midwives had little formal education and many were illiterate.

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During midwife training institutes, a nurse midwife or public health nurse

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presented the lessons and demonstrations, and she would be assisted by a group

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leader chosen from among the midwives. Miss Chase, an anatomically correct life sized doll,

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in the 10th month of pregnancy. Was used for lecture and demonstration

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during midwife training sessions. Special lectures were also given

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by doctors and nurse consultants. Each midwife was then evaluated on her

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ability to repeat the demonstration, for example on how to prepare a model

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birth room or the proper technique for cutting the umbilical cord. The class curriculum included

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principles on pre and postnatal care an what complications midwives might expect.

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Role-playing was used to evaluate the midwives understanding of the lesson,

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as well as to prepare her for

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unexpected or difficult situations.

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Songs were often used to convey the significance of of many of the concepts.

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Like birth registration for example, or why sterilization of equipment was necessary.

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The lyrics to a song written by one of the nurse midwives explain many of the benefits

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[Silence]

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of birth of having a birth certificate throughout one's life cycle, from school registration

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to Social Security benefits. For the smaller institutes, county health departments,

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churches, and African American schools were used as venues. There were even institutes that

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provided on the job training. Like the one held in Denmark County,

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South Carolina from 1926 to 1929.

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It was held at an African American school affiliated with a small hospital.

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The classes were held continually for three months during the summer and

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each midwife attended for one month. Classes were held in a clinic like fashion and the and the

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midwife performed all the work, including the deliveries. The Denmark County Institute was

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a unique situation, however. During institutes, midwives characteristically demonstrated

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their competency without the benefit of real patients. And both venues, however,

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the midwives professional obligation to her patients mother and child was emphasized throughout the

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event and permits were renewed upon the successful completion

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of the Training Institute. The practical application of lessons

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taught during the annual institutes and reinforced during the monthly clubs

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were not always possible however. Conditions under which midwives

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practice in the field were often not sterile. Most homes were without adequate lighting,

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heat, proper ventilation or running water, and expectant mothers were unaware

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of the sterile birth techniques that they would later come to expect.

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[Portions of lecture are missing
due to faulty original disc]
