r“.' y " y4% 
v \ < ;=; .’ S ' 
j 
■■ ■ ■ ■ ■■■■ ■ ; '»• •• 
/• /■. ■ • /•;, >" f *’ 
. N N 
». ' s/ v." < ...v1'.V' <’ ... 
. . ., , •> ESSENTIALS OF 
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY Books by the same author 
A History of Social Thought 
Introduction to Sociology 
Introduction to the Social Sciences 
Essentials of Americanization ESSENTIALS OF 
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
BY 
# 
EMORY S/BOGARDUS, Ph.D. 
Head of the Department of Sociology 
University of Southern California 
and Editor of the 
Journal of Applied Sociology 
FOURTH EDITION 
1923 
JESSE RAY MILLER 
3474 UNIVERSITY AVENUE 
LOS ANGELES First Edition, September, 1917 
Copyright 1917, E. S. Bogardus 
Second Edition, September, 1918 
Copyright 1918, University of Southern California Press 
Third Edition, April, 1920 
Copyright 1920, University of Southern California Press 
Fourth Edition, November, 1923 
Copyright 1923, Jesse Ray Miller 
Printed in the United States of America 
Press of Jesse Ray Miller 
Los Angeles DEDICATED TO 
EDITH PRITCHARD BOGARDUS CONTENTS 
I. Introduction 13 
1. The Field 
2. The Method 
3. The Rise of Social Psychology 
II. Bases of Social Psychology 28 
1. Mental Interaction 
2. Communication 
3. Original Human Nature 
4. Instinctive Reactions 
5. Affective Reactions 
6. Habitual Reactions 
7. Cognitive Reactions 
8. Volitional Reactions 
9. Aptitudes 
III. Social Personality 69 
1. Social Aptitudes 
2. Social Emotions and Sentiments 
3. Socially Reflected Behavior 
4. Mirthful Behavior 
5. Growth of Social Personality 
6. Socialized Personality 
IV. Suggestion and Imitation 108 
1. Suggestion 
2. Suggestibility 
3. Imitation 
4. Fashion Imitation 
5. Convention Imitation 
6. Custom Imitation 
7. Socio-rational Imitation 8 
CONTENTS 
V. Invention and Leadership 154 
1. The Nature of Invention 
2. Elements of Leadership 
3. Types of Leadership 
4. The Nature of Genius 
VI. The Nature of Groups 187 
1. The Priority of Groups 
2. Temporary Groups 
3. Permanent Groups 
4. Primary and Discussion Groups 
VII. Group Conflicts 215 
1. Analysis of Group Conflict 
2. Social Psychology of IVar 
3. Social Psychology of Race Prejudice 
4. Discussion Conflicts 
VIII. Group Loyalties 248 
1. Analysis of Group Loyalty 
2. Social Psychology of Patriotism 
3. National and International Loyalties 
4. A World Community Loyalty 
IX. Group Control and Progress 275 
1. The Nature of Group Control 
2. Agencies of Group Control 
3. Constructive and Negative Control 
4. Group Change 
5. Social Progress 
Selected Bibliography of Books 304 
Selected Articles 308 
Index 313 PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION 
This syllabus is written for the purpose of open- 
ing up the field of social psychology to seriously 
minded students. Social psychology, stressing as it 
does the group origins of mental life, of instinctive 
and habitual reactions, of individuality, sociality, 
and personality, is almost certain to become one 
of, the most important social sciences. 
PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION 
This book is written for the purpose of develop- 
ing the problem-solving method of education in the 
field of social psychology. To this end the main at- 
tention has been given to the formulation of the 
“problems” which appear in connection with the 
themes of each chapter. Each of the problems has 
been tried out in the classroom and found to pro- 
duce constructive thought on the part of the stu- 
dents. These exercises are intended to set the stu- 
dent at work and to stimulate him to do his own 
thinking. 
The instructor should encourage the pupils to be- 
gin the study of each chapter with the problems. If 10 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
the student has an inadequate background for giv- 
ing his attention first to the exercises, he may read 
the context, not as an end in itself, but as a method 
of preparation for attacking the exercises. The con- 
text of each chapter should not be “remembered,” 
but utilized as a means of finding answers, seeing 
new relationships, and making new discoveries. If 
the student comes into the class, remembering, this 
book is intended to send him out thinking. 
The second aim of the author has been to write 
a treatise which would meet the needs of the under- 
graduate students in colleges, junior colleges, and 
normal schools. The subject of social psychology 
is of such vital, far-reaching, and practical impor- 
tance that every college student should be intro- 
duced to a scientific consideration of the field. Ev- 
ery such student is compelled to study the psychol- 
ogy of the individual; but few are required or even 
encouraged to study the psychology of the interac- 
tions of individuals in their multifarious group re- 
lationships. Surely the latter phenomena are as vi- 
tally important as the' former. 
A third need which this book aims to meet is to 
give a new organization of the subject matter of so- 
cial psychology. The writer believes that social 
psychology begins with a study of human interstim- 
ulation and response and ends with a consideration 
of the resultant social attitudes and social values. PREFACE 
11 
The writer is indebted to so many authors that 
it is impossible to make adequate acknowledgments. 
The interest of the writer in the subject was awak- 
ened by Professor G. H. Mead; the books and syll- 
abi which have been most helpful are those of Pro- 
fessors Cooley, Ross, Ellwood, Dewey, Tarde, and 
McDougall. For the stimulus to develop the prob- 
lem solving method of teaching and for encourage- 
ment in the preparation of the manuscript, I am in- 
debted to Dr. E. C. Moore. For many of the prob- 
lems that are given at the close of each chapter, I 
am under obligation to various persons, but chiefly 
to Professor Ross and my advanced students. 
Sometimes a re-phrasing of a quotation or quoted 
exercise has been necessary, in which case it has not 
jeen feasible to use quotation marks and thus tc 
indicate my indebtedness. The encouragement 
and suggestions of Professor George Elliott How- 
ard, who has read the manuscript, are gratefully 
acknowledged. 
PREFACE TO THIRD EDITION 
In this edition the problems have been re-stated 
and increased in number. They carry the gist of 
the argument. The subject matter has been re- 
written and elaborated. 12 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
PREFACE TO FOURTH EDITION 
In this revision the attempt has been to give 
more emphasis to basic principles than in previous 
editions. Social psychology has made such tremen- 
dous strides since the first edition of this book was 
prepared in 1917 that many of its fundamental prin- 
ciples are beginning to emerge and receive general 
recognition. No social science is taking shape faster 
at the present time than social psychology. None 
gives greater promise of social usefulness in all 
realms of human activity. 
Emory S. Bogardus 
University of Southern California 
July i, 1923 Essentials of Social psychology 
Chapter I 
INTRODUCTION 
1. The Field. Social psychology is the study of 
social interaction. It is based upon the psychology 
of group life. It begins with an interpretation of 
the group-made types of human reactions, of com- 
munication, and of instinctive and habitual re- 
actions. 
The chief product of social interaction is hu- 
man personality. Personalities are composed of 
distinguishing peculiarities which combine to form 
individuality; they also possess frequently recurring 
similarities which constitute sociality. Social psy- 
chology generally uses the term, individual, in refer- 
ring to the unit member of a group of persons; and 
the term, individuality, in describing that phase of 
personality which distinguishes one member of a 
group from another. Therefore, the social psychol- 
ogist studies personalities with their two-fold nature 
—individuality and sociality. 
The social elements of personalities are similar 
and manifold. The social personality is a rich field 14 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
for the social psychologist. The social impulses and 
attitudes stand out prominently. An extensive 
knowledge of them is basic to a fundamental appre- 
ciation of the interactions of personalities. They 
underlie the growth of personal character and social 
institutions. Common examples are found in a ba- 
sic social nature, in gregariousness, in sex and pa- 
rental behavior, in sympathy and love. The social 
character represents the inner citadel of personality. 
Socially reflected behavior is one of the most sig- 
nificant factors in life. 
Then, there is that variegated suggestion-imi- 
tation phase of personality, of giving out and re- 
sponding to stimuli. Imitation, which explains how 
new ideas and activities become common, appears 
as leading phases of fashion, convention, and cus- 
tom. It is either irrational, rational, or socio-ra- 
tional. 
Suggestion leads out into invention, which in turn 
is closely related in its nature to discovery; and 
both are inherently similar to leadership. In social 
psychology one of the high peaks of observation and 
study is social leadership. 
Leadership implies the conditions of group life. 
These conditions may be either temporary or per- 
manent. Social psychology gives special attention 
to temporary groupings, chief of which are the 
crowd, the mob, and the assembly. The public may 
be either temporary or permanent; it may be con- INTRODUCTION 
15 
sidered a transitional phenomenon between tempo- 
rary and permanent groups. 
An inquiry into the nature of permanent group- 
ings logically involves an investigation of the rise of 
group and social consciousness. The social psy- 
chology of patriotism, or group loyalty, is vitally 
important. Group loyalties result in group con- 
flicts, which produce social changes. 
The social psychology of group life includes an ex- 
amination of group control. The unanswered ques- 
tion arises: How much and what kind of control 
shall the group exercise in order that the individual 
members may perfect their personalities to the high- 
est degree and at the same time coordinate them- 
selves and function as one brain in ways that con- 
stitute group progress? 
The group possesses power to encourage human 
personalities so that nearly everyone may become 
an inventor and contributor to progress, or it may 
carelessly or deliberately stifle initiative, thereby 
destroying personalities and inviting group stagna- 
tion and retrogression. Social control should func- 
tion so that personalities may perfect themselves in 
both the individuality and sociality phases of their 
natures, and so that groups and human society may 
progress. 
The new science of social psychology is develop- 
ing its own methodology and speaking from its own 
vantage ground. Its sector of the field of the social 16 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
sciences is that important territory which lies in the 
main between psychology and sociology, which for 
whole stretches is entirely uncultivated, and which 
in other places is tilled by both the psychologists and 
sociologists. Instead of permitting its advance to 
be directed from either psychological or sociological 
headquarters, social psychology is developing its 
own technique and programs, but is remaining sub- 
ject, of course, to the rules of scientific and social 
science procedure.1 
2. The Method. Social psychology lends itself to 
the problem-solving method of study. The student 
must assume not a memorizing attitude, but a prob- 
lem-solving method of approach. He will read not 
to memorize, but in order to find answers and solu- 
tions. As no one can develop skill as a marksman 
except by aiming at targets in his practice work, so 
no student can acquire thorough methods, for ex- 
ample, in social psychology, except by keeping tar- 
gets constantly before his mind. Who is more fool- 
ish than a would-be marksman who spends hour 
after hour in shooting in all directions, but at no 
particular target? Target-hitting is the worth-while 
achievement in marksmanship and problem-solv- 
ing is the valuable goal in, studying social psychol- 
ogy. It is expected that the student of social psy- 
chology, who uses this book, will give his major at- 
1 According to another view, social psychology has no distinct field of 
its own and must be considered as either psychology or sociology; but the 
probabilities are that time will prove this conception to be a mistaken one. INTRODUCTION 
17 
tention to the problems at the close of each chapter. 
He is urged to search his own mind, his own expe- 
riences, and the experiences of others, for solutions 
of the given exercises. Then the subject matter of 
the respective chapters may be consulted in order to 
secure additional light, and finally the readings at 
the close of each chapter will afford further guid- 
ance. 
If the student will be judicious, he may do a little 
investigating in his laboratory, namely, the field of 
mental interaction. He may begin by selecting one 
of the problems at the close of any chapter and with- 
out indicating his own reactions, ask ten of his 
friends the specific question, carefully noting their 
replies; then he may classify the results, noting how 
they compare with his own attitudes in the matter. 
The student may expand on this type of experi- 
ment in many ways. He may select ten represen- 
tative persons in five widely different human groups, 
and classify their answers, comparing one group 
with another. He may give or send the question in 
written form to a hundred or two hundred people, 
and analyze the results. Preliminary experimenta- 
tion of this nature will prepare the student to do 
research work of merit and ultimately perhaps to 
do original thinking in the field. No subject is more 
fertile with problems for investigation than social 
psychology; no scientific field has a more richly 
equipped or more conveniently located laboratory. 18 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
3. The Rise of Social Psychology. Social psy- 
chology is one of the youngest of the specific sci- 
ences. It is in the making. In the United States 
the subject did not command widespread attention 
until 1908. At the beginning of the present century 
there was no book in America that bore the title, 
social psychology; and only one that printed the 
term in its sub-title. Although the subject received 
recognition in Europe earlier than in the United 
States, its organized development has acquired 
headway chiefly in the last decade in our country. 
It has now won an established place in the curricula 
of our colleges and universities and of our leading 
normal schools. 
In another sense, social psychology is one of the 
oldest studies. Since the beginning of human society 
upon the earth, man has been interested in, and has 
given thought to, the interactions of personalities 
in group life. The primitive tribe had its phenom- 
ena of individual ascendancy and social ascendancy 
which attracted the attention of the most advanced 
members. The tribal chieftain made rough calcu- 
lations concerning the probable actions of his sub- 
jects when experiencing the exuberance of victory 
or the gloom of defeat. The Australian Blackfellow 
who put a taboo upon young cocoanuts in order to 
protect them and to have a supply of them on a 
given feast day possessed a rudimentary knowledge 
of the principles of individual ascendancy. The INTRODUCTION 
19 
African belle who wore thirty pounds of copper or- 
naments upon her ankles in order to outdo a rival 
who could wear only twenty-five pounds was inter- 
ested in the social psychology of fashion. 
It is not until the days of the Greeks that we find 
evidences of extensive thought in the field of social 
psychology. Plato gave expression to many sound 
observations of a social psychological nature. If one 
person accumulates wealth, others will imitate. As 
a result, all the citizens will become lovers of 
money.2 Plato supported custom imitation and 
opposed fashion imitation. Customs represent the 
ripe fruitage of the centuries.3 The chief advantage 
of laws is not that they make men honest but that 
they cause them to act uniformly and hence in a so- 
cially dependable way.4 Plato pointed out the par- 
allelism between a just society and a just individual, 
and that the conduct of individuals in the mass is 
predictable. 
According to Aristotle man is a political animal, 
that is to say, man lives by necessity in association.5 
Social organization, to Aristotle, is not as important 
as social attitudes. All people must become social- 
ly-minded before there can be a perfect government. 
The “social mean” plays a leading part in Aris- 
totle’s ideal society. The existence of only two 
* Republic, (tr. by Jowett), 550 D, E; cf. Laws (tr. by Jowctt), 742, 791. 
* Laws, 112. 
* Statesman (tr. by Jowett), see bks. IX-XII. 
“ Politics (tr. by Jowett), I, 2. 20 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
classes in society—the very rich and the very poor— 
spells social disaster. Society is safe when the mid- 
dle class is in control.6 Aristotle analyzed the psy- 
chological weakness of communism when he wrote, 
“For that which is common to the greatest number 
has the least care bestowed upon it.”7 In the mind 
of the renowned philosopher, social process and de- 
velopment are ever uppermost. 
In the beginning of the modern period of thought, 
Sir Thomas More showed marvelous insight into 
the nature and causes of human actions. Fashion 
imitation was forestalled in Utopia.8 Laws in Uto- 
pia are few9 because the people are so well instructed 
and so socially-minded that numerous laws are 
needless. In not allowing the Utopians to vote im- 
mediately upon new issues, More shrewdly safe- 
guarded them against the dangers of crowd emotion. 
More stood for freedom of opinion and recognized 
the group value of sympathy. 
David Hume has been called the father of social 
psychology. Upon the basis of the impulses and of 
sympathy, he analyzed society. The sentiment of 
sympathy develops into intelligent co-operation. In- 
tellectual control of society is a relatively late phase 
of social evolution. Against the influence of envi- 
ronmental forces upon man, Hume placed the pow- 
* Politics, IV, 11. 
7 Ibid., 11,3. 
* Utopia (Bohn’s Libraries), pp. 148,149. 
* Ibid., p. 93. INTRODUCTION 
21 
er of imitation and declared that group conformity 
is due more to imitation than to environment. It 
is these ideas of Hume that challenged the contract 
theory of society which prevailed at that time. 
The next development began about 1860 and took 
the turn of psychological analyses of primitive life. 
The traits including peculiarities and group activ- 
ities of primitive people were scrutinized with great 
care, and their evolution was traced with historical 
accuracy and psychological skill. Cultural values 
were noted, as guides to understanding current 
mental and social life.10 
Pioneering effort in social psychology was done 
by Lester F. Ward who as early as 1883 made clear 
the importance of psychic factors in social evolu- 
tion.11 In the development of society, psychic 
forces, particularly the desires, are gradually be- 
coming refined and organized. Ultimately, they 
will assume control over the physical and the bio- 
logical forces. 
The subjects of imitation and suggestion next at- 
tracted attention.12 Gabriel Tarde (in 1890) was 
the first person to set forth the laws of imitation.13 
Through his work as a jurist he became interested 
10 Outstanding names in this field are Lazarus and Steinthal, Wundt, 
Sumner, Thomas, Hobhouse. 
11 Dynamic Sociology, Psychic Factors in Civilization, and Applied So- 
ciology. 
12 As early as 1872 Bagehot wrote a stimulating chapter on “Imitation” 
in his Physics and Politics. 
“ The Laws of Imitation. 22 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
in the causes of human conduct and in the nature 
of social processes. He declared that to understand 
society one must know how human minds act and 
interact. Through interaction they become alike. 
Imitation is the key to the process. Opposition 
between imitations occurs, and inventions result. 
These themes were extensively developed by Ed- 
ward Alsworth Ross,14 who published the first book 
in the United States under the title of “social psy- 
chology,” and has become one of the main founders 
of the science. Dr. Ross discusses intensively and 
uniquely the nature of suggestion-imitation. Cus- 
tom imitation, conventionality, and fashion imita- 
tion are treated with rare originality and phrase- 
making power. 
It is in the field of social control that Professor 
Ross has made his greatest contribution to social 
psychology, analyzing with skill the aims, agencies, 
processes and products of social control.15 Another 
volume of worth on social control was planned and 
edited by George Elliott Howard (in 1918), in 
which a series of original papers by a number of 
scholars appears.16 The initial paper, by Dr. How- 
ard, on “Ideals as a Factor in the Future Control 
of International Society,” is a magnum opus. 
The first book by Charles Horton Cooley, pub- 
lished in 1902 and entitled Human Nature and the 
14 Social Psychology. 
14 Social Control. 
“ Publications of the American Sociological Society, Vol. XII. INTRODUCTION 
23 
Social Order, was at once accepted as an authority 
on the integral relationship of the individual self 
and the social self. The well-balanced, accurate 
scholarship of Dr. Cooley receives further expres- 
sion in his Social Organization and Social Process. 
Professor Cooley’s three books should be studied in 
the order in which they are mentioned here. They 
are the chronological development of a logical and 
penetrating system of thought in social psychology. 
The first volume elaborates the concept of the self 
in its relations to group life; the second explains 
the nature of primary groups, of the democratic 
mind, and of social classes; the third defines the 
many elements in the process by which society is 
characterized. The central theme of the three books 
is that the individual and society are aspects of the 
same entity and that the individual and society are 
twin-born and twin-developed. 
The psychological approach to social psychology 
was given a specific impetus in 1908 by William 
McDougall.17 He made a detailed diagnosis of the 
springs of social action which he found in the social 
“instincts” of the individual. He gives primarily 
the psychological premises of social psychology and 
affords the student a fundamental discussion of the 
social “instincts” and their functioning in group 
life. This emphasis has been seriously challenged in 
recent years by those who contend that “instincts” 
1TIntroduction to Social Psychology. 24 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
are general impulses which by habit become organ- 
ized in concrete ways. An “instinct” thus is a 
result and not a cause. The role of habit in social 
life has been ably elaborated by John Dewey.18 
A valuable analysis of social change under nor- 
mal and abnormal conditions is made by Charles 
A. Ellwood,19 who has also worked out a careful 
synthetic discussion of the chief psychic elements 
that operate in social life.20 A penetrating philo- 
sophical discussion of social process and organiza- 
tion has been given by Graham Wallas.21 An ex- 
tensive analysis of social psychology in terms of 
social conflict, giving special emphasis to rivalry, 
has been developed by J. M. Williams,22 while the 
psychological approach is maintained by R. H. 
Gault28 who emphasizes the forms of behavior called 
social. 
To the writer social psychology is the study of 
social interstimulation and response. It also exam- 
ines the results of these processes as found in social 
attitudes and social values, and particularly the re- 
sults as they culminate in the development of hu- 
man personalities and of social groups. 
18 Human Nature and Conduct. 
1# An Introduction to Social Psychology. 
20 Ibid., and Sociology in its Psychological Aspects. 
21 The Great Society. 
22 Principles of Social Psychology. 
** Social Psychology. INTRODUCTION 
25 
PROBLEMS 
1. What is the relation of psychology to social psy- 
chology? 
2. How is social psychology related to sociology? 
3. Which is the more important for the study of social 
psychology, a knowledge of psychology or of sociology? 
4. Explain the statement that formerly psychology was 
individualistic in its interpretations. 
5. Which is the more useful, the study of individual 
psychology or the study of social psychology? 
6. Distinguish between racial psychology and social psy- 
chology. 
7. What meaning do you see in the terms “individual 
ascendency” and “social ascendency”? 
8. Would an abnormal development of either individual 
ascendency or social ascendency be good for a community? 
9. When do you feel of greater importance—on a moun- 
tain alone, or as a member of a multitude of people? 
10. Is social psychology an old or new subject? 
11. What is the primary cause of the rise of social psy- 
chology ? 
12. What is your highest aim in studying social psychol- 
ogy? 
13. As a student of social psychology what constitutes 
your laboratory? 
14. Do you expect that the study of social psychology 
will make you more dependent upon others, or more inde- 
pendent of others? 26 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
READINGS 
Baldwin, J. M., The Individual and Society, Ch. I. 
Bentley, M., “A Preface to Social Psychology,” Psychological 
Rev. Mon., 1916, No. 92, pp. 1-25. 
Blackmar and Gillin, Outlines of Sociology, Part III, Chs. 
IV-VI. 
Bogardus, E. S., A History of Social Thought, Chs. XXIl, 
XXIII. 
Cooley, C. H., Human Nature and the Social Order, Ch. I. 
Dealey, J. Q., Sociology, Chs. IV, XV. 
Dewey, John, “The Need for Social Psychology,” Psycho- 
logical Rev., July, 1917, pp. 264-77. 
Human Nature and Conduct. 
Ellwood, C. A., Sociology in its Psychological Aspects, 
Ch. VI. 
An Introduction to Social Psychology, Ch. I. 
Gault, R. H., Social Psychology. 
Giddings, F. H., Democracy and Empire, Ch. III. 
Ginsberg, M., The Psychology of Society. 
Hall, G. S., “Social Phases of Psychology,” Amer. Jour of 
Social., XVIII: 613-21. 
Hayes, E. C., Introduction to the Study of Sociology, Ch. 
XVII. 
Howard, G. E., Social Psychology (syllabus), Sec. I. 
Leuba, J. H., “Psychology and Sociology,” Amer. Jour, oj 
Sociol., XIX: 323-42. 
“Methods and Principles of Social Psychology,” 
Psychological Bui., XIV:397-74. 
McDougall, William, An Introduction to Social Psychology, 
Ch. I. 
Maclver, R. M., “What is Social Psychology?” Sociological 
Rev., VI: 147-60. INTRODUCTION 
27 
Mead, G. H., “Social Psychology as a Counterpart to Phys- 
iological Psychology,” Psychological Bui., VI: 401-408. 
Orano, Paolo, Psicologia sociale, pp. 9-114. 
Ross, E. A., Social Psychology, Ch. I. 
Tarde, Gabriel, La logique sociale, Ch. II. 
Laws of Imitation, Ch. II. 
Thomas, W. I., “The Province of Social Psychology,” Amer. 
Jour, of SocioL, X: 445-55. 
Tosti, G., “Social Psychology and Sociology,” Psychological 
Rev., V:347-81. 
Wallas, Graham, The Great Society, Ch. II. 
Williams, J. M., Principles of Social Psychology. Chapter II 
BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
1. Mental Interaction. Mental interaction, as the 
term is used here, presupposes organisms that are 
able to respond to stimuli not only through physical 
contact but through all the senses, and not only at 
once but after a delay and in complicated ways. 
Interaction, as here considered, does not refer to 
physical collision, transmission, or rebound, but to 
ideational, emotional, and social stimulations and 
responses; together with resultant organic modi- 
fiabilities and with adjustments to social environ- 
ments. 
Interaction involves original human nature and 
environments. By original human nature is meant 
the qualities and potentialities of the cellular life 
from which the individual develops. Environ- 
ments refer to all the influences that affect the indi- 
vidual, from the time his cellular life begins. 
The first stage and the essence of interaction is 
stimulation. It is determined by the kind of social 
contacts which the individual unit of original hu- 
man nature experiences. Original nature, stimula- 
tion through social contacts, interaction—these BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
29 
terms represent the primary logic of personal evo- 
lution. 
Stimulation is produced by physical contacts, the 
infinitely more complex psychical contacts, and the 
varied combinations of psychical contacts that be- 
come organized into social environments. It is 
these last-mentioned combinations which are com- 
posed of such changeable factors that their analysis 
is well-nigh impossible. Oftentimes, the responses 
are suppressed or sublimated, or otherwise deployed 
in such subtle ways as not to be immediately rec- 
ognized. 
Social stimulation creates the main problems of 
life. Stimulation that is only physical produces 
measurable, automatic, and definitely predictable 
responses, but stimulation of one social being by 
another may eventuate in any one or several of a 
very large number of possible reactions. Moreover, 
the new response in turn is apt to become a stimu- 
lus which produces other responses, and so behavior 
becomes variable and complicated.1 
The incessant conflicts of stimuli and of the re- 
sultant stimulations produce endless numbers of 
problems. The number and quality of social con- 
tacts which an individual experiences is an index 
to the kind and quality of stimulations to which he 
is subject, which in turn are indicative of the indi- 
xThe psychology of the stimulus and the response is thoroughly dis- 
cussed by R. S. Woodworth, Psychology. 30 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
vidual’s possibilities of personal growth. Inter- 
stimulating human organisms constitute the essence 
of a social situation which is one of the most inter- 
esting phases, if not the most interesting phase of 
life. It is the stimulations of individual by individ- 
ual which furnish the dynamic elements of a social 
situation, and it is this dynamic character of social 
life which explains the possibilities of social change, 
evolution, revolution, and progress. 
Stimulation is followed by either favorable or un- 
favorable response, by forward moving or backward 
moving activities of the responding organism, by 
advances or retreats—either at once, or after a pe- 
riod of neutral behavior. As chemical elements at- 
tract or repel, so do psychic elements in social life, 
only in more baffling and complicated ways. The 
laws by which physical bodies attract or repel are 
evidently included within the laws by which social 
beings exercise similar influences upon one another. 
Social stimulations are generic to an ever-changing 
panorama of integration and disintegration of per- 
sonal responses, as well as of group responses, and 
of the organization and disintegration of groups 
themselves.2 
2. Communication. In the give-and-take be- 
tween persons there arise sets of symbols with their 
meanings—this is language. Even animals develop 
’An excellent chapter on “Social Interaction” is given by Park and 
Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology, Ch. VI. BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
31 
languages. The mother bird utters a shrill cry and 
the young who run to cover are saved. A set of sim- 
ple sounds, or calls, or emotional ejaculations con- 
stitutes language in the animal world. The cry and 
the exclamation are the starting-points of that elab- 
orate set of symbols which is represented in an una- 
bridged dictionary. 
The human infant early learns to cry—and hence 
to speak—in half a dozen different ways. To one 
who is unacquainted with children these different 
cries sound alike, but to the mother they are mean- 
ingful. There are the particular cries of hunger, of 
physical pain, of fear, of anger, of general discom- 
fort and fretfulness, and of the acquired habit to be 
taken up and rocked. Each of these cries develops 
in later life into whole vocabularies. If acquired 
cries, such as the cry to be picked up and soothed, 
does not produce the vaguely desired result, it will 
die out. In other words, the cry and the recognition 
of its meaning are inseparable. Language in its 
simplest expression is a symbol and its meaning. 
The significance of the symbol must be clear to the 
individual with whom communication is held. 
The symbol is always a gesture of some sort. It 
may be pantomimic, i. e., of the hands and shoul- 
ders, or facial, or vocal. Gestures of the hands and 
shoulders are common among the deaf, among for- 
eigners who are trying in a strange environment to 
make their wants known, among any excited group 32 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
of people, among adults who are at a loss to find the 
precise words that they want to use. Civilized peo- 
ple use pantomimic and facial gestures continually 
for the purpose of naturally supplementing vocal 
gestures and in order to meet the needs of the com- 
municative self when vocal language fails. 
The ordinary gestures of the hands and shoulders 
convey meanings which are easy to grasp. Panto- 
mimic gestures are practical, for example, the open, 
extended hand, or the clenched fist. Pantomimic 
gestures are unconsciously imitated on a large scale. 
Even the majority of the people of an entire nation 
may develop common peculiarities of pantomimic 
gestures. 
The facial gesture centers about the eyes and 
mouth. Like pantomimic gesture, it is easily and 
universally intelligible. If you are perfectly frank 
and unreserved when you look at me, I can tell how 
you feel about me even though you do not speak my 
vocal language. The smile of welcome or the glance 
of hatred are understood the world around. The 
foreigner always and naturally gives careful atten- 
tion to the facial gestures of the people whom he 
meets whether he be a Greek immigrant in the 
United States or an American in Turkey. Al- 
though he may require several years to learn the vo- 
cal language of a country, he understands facial ges- 
tures at once. 
Vocal language arises out of the sudden exhala- BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
33 
tion of the breath—in the exclamatory cry. An ele- 
mental step in the process of language formation is 
the naming of objects, i. e., the creating of nouns. 
When the baby cries “ba ba,” “pa pa,” and “ma 
ma,” he names himself, his father, and his mother 
respectively—unconsciously to himself and to oth- 
ers, including his parents. The rise of verbs, ex- 
cept as they are sometimes used as nouns, comes 
late. A verb involves the recognition of two objects 
and particularly the relationship between them. 
Abstract concepts are the last phases of language to 
acquire definite meaning. A five-year-old girl with 
a considerable vocabulary of nouns and verbs will 
persistently ask such questions as these: “What is 
‘honesty’ ?” “What does ‘honest to goodness’ 
mean?” “What does ‘I doubt it’ mean?” Even an 
adult finds difficulty in reducing such a term as “de- 
mocracy” to satisfactory imagery. 
Teaching is a process of transforming unintelli- 
gible ideas and methods into intelligible signs and 
symbols. Frequently, the successful teacher, wheth- 
er of music or of cooking, is she who goes through 
a whole act in the presence of the pupils. As the 
latter learn, the teacher reproduces only a few mo- 
tions, and finally she gives only now and then a ges- 
ture, “a cry, a look, an attitude.” The orchestra 
leader finds his trained players responding at once 
and accurately to his slightest facial and panto- 
mimic gestures. The teacher of philosophy speaks 34 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
to his class as through a glass darkly until per- 
chance by a few deft chalk marks on the blackboard 
he releases a flood of light. 
In every case the gesture represents the beginning 
of a whole act.3 As soon as the second party recog- 
nizes the act for which the given gesture is the be- 
ginning, conversation has begun. The response will 
consist of another gesture, which in turn is the be- 
ginning of another act—and thus the conversation 
of attitudes and appropriate responses takes place. 
Hence, language is a social phenomenon and con- 
sists in an interchange of gestures and suitable re- 
sponses between individuals; language is a conver- 
sation of attitudes and responses. Social life itself 
is built upon interchanges of symbols and their 
meanings between individuals. 
As new individual and social situations arise, new 
symbols of expression are needed. Sometimes the 
invented term is a studied compound of latinized 
antiques and sometimes it is the shortest cut be- 
tween two ideas, namely, a new slang phrase. In 
other words, language is always in the process of 
creation. Heretofore new communicative gestures 
usually have been created fortuitously and thought- 
lessly. There is need for an increased conscious 
control of the processes of creating language. 
The most common form of communication is 
* Cf. G. H. Mead, “Social Consciousness and the Consciousness of Mean- 
ing,” Psychological Bui., VII: 397-405. BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
35 
talking, but good talkers in the sense of the scien- 
tific principles of communication are rare. Worth 
while talking involves communicative skill and can 
be acquired. A good talker (1) has something to 
give besides words; he is not merely a fluent speak- 
er. He has more than a large vocabulary. He is 
not only courteous and possessed of cultivated man- 
ners, but possesses a rich personality by which he 
interprets situations of other people in helpful, sym- 
pathetic, constructive, and socialized terms. 
(2) A good talker knows at least a few things 
well and authoritatively, but he does not talk 
“shop.” At this point many persons are helpless. 
They know and can talk about only one thing— 
their daily work. Outside this subject, they have 
nothing to converse about except the weather and 
items of gossip. The praiseworthy conversational- 
ist has a number of avocational interests. Although 
denied occupational topics and gossip, he is able to 
introduce several avocational lines of thought. He 
has travelled, and observed keenly when travelling. 
He has developed a constantly enlarging horizon of 
knowledge. 
(3) A good talker studies the interests of people. 
He relates his avocational information to the major 
interests of his friends. His conversation enlight- 
ens others, not concerning himself, but regarding 
themselves. He does not talk the “big I,” but cre- 
ates an important “you.” He centers his conversa- 
tion in the personalities of his listeners. 36 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
(4) A good talker is a trained listener. He is 
not a monologist. He does not do all the talking. 
He gets other people to talk. It is a part of his 
function to get his would-be listeners to describe 
their unique experiences. He endeavors to learn 
something from everyone whom he meets. 
(5) A good talker is a director of conversation. 
He is a skillful questioner. He elicits information 
from the bashful and halts the talk of the wordy. 
He not only does not monopolize conversation him- 
self, but he permits no one else to do so. He does 
not simply make his own contribution to the dis- 
cussions of an assembled company, but he sees that 
everyone else does likewise. 
Communication is at the heart of social life. 
With very simple communicative machinery life be- 
comes increasingly social. Communication arises 
from social contacts. It helps to create like-mind- 
edness; it turns like-mindedness into closely knit 
intimacies. Communication makes possible a so- 
cial consciousness. It enables individuals to gener- 
ate social ideals and to realize a complex order of 
social co-operation. With its ever-increasing ar- 
ray of gesture-meanings language constitutes per- 
haps the most fundamental social institution. With- 
out it, neither the family, school, church, nor the 
state could arise.4 
* One of the first persons to elaborate scientifically the fundamental char- 
acter of communication was C. H. Cooley in his Social Organization, Part BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
37 
3. Original Human Nature. There could be no 
mental interaction and no communication if there 
were no original human nature. The social psychol- 
ogist must draw upon the findings of biology and 
histology as a basis for discussing the inherited 
qualities of personality. It is evident that the hu- 
man organism at birth is already possessed of tro- 
pistic and reflex characteristics as are the lower an- 
imal forms. It has impulses and mechanisms with 
power to respond to environmental stimuli in pecu- 
liar ways. Some of the mechanisms produce reflex 
and other simple responses, while others are far 
more complex, being the bases of impulsive, habit- 
ual, and attentive activities. These mechanisms 
consist of a structural equipment, which in the case 
of many ordinary human reactions, includes sense 
organs, affective neurones, synapses, higher neurone 
centers, muscles, and glands, or receptors, conduc- 
tors, and effectors. The activities of these factors fall 
into established types with a corresponding mech- 
anistic nature. A specific stimulus creates vibra- 
tions in the sense organ, which are transmitted 
along the afferent system to the central neural sys- 
tem and from there are sent out over efferent neu- 
rones to muscles or glands or both, and if to the lat- 
ter then with emotional accompaniments. Every 
time the given stimulus operates it tends to dis- 
charge the whole system of responses in the same 
way, and an organized habit may result. 38 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Original human nature includes (a) instinctive 
“drives,” (b) feeling tones, (c) cognitive and (d) 
volitional tendencies, and (e) aptitudes. The an- 
alysis of these primary phases of human nature will 
constitute the remainder of this chapter.6 
4. Instinctive Reactions. Instinctive tendencies 
are based on ready-made, inborn co-ordinations. 
They arise from tropistic and reflex activities. They 
are the organism’s stock in trade at birth. They are 
psychical acquisitions which are biologically trans- 
mitted. They are ancestral ways of meeting com- 
mon problems and conditions of life in primitive 
times. They have cut so deep into the neural sys- 
tem that they have become a real part of the organ- 
ism and hence are biologically passed on from one 
generation to the next. 
Instinctive behavior is to be distinguished from 
reflex action chiefly in the terms of complexity or 
more particularly of continued complexity. It con- 
sists of “unlearned responses” to stimuli. Any unit 
of it is characterized by “a persisting tendency that, 
once aroused bv an appropriate stimulus, results in 
a continuing state of activity, until the whole course 
has been run and final adjustment completed.6 
We cannot say that there are human instincts, as 
such. Some phenomena are instinctive in the 
5 Several years ago E. L. Thorndike became an outstanding authority 
on “original human nature.” See his volume entitled, The Original Nature 
of Man. 
* R. H. Gault, Social Psychology, p. 38. BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
39 
sense of being inherited, and of being automatically 
responsive to specific stimuli. Otherwise, they are 
habitual, in the sense that simple impulses and gen- 
eral dispositions become organized into standard 
reactions through a series of environmental expe- 
riences. “Instincts,” as the term has been used, 
are partly acquired and partly resultant rather 
than being wholly inherited and causal phenomena. 
An “instinct” is often more a result than a cause of 
behavior.7 
We are safe, however, in speaking of instinctive 
tendencies. They are tendencies to act which are 
set off automatically, and always in the same way 
whenever a specific stimulus operates. They have 
evidently been evolved in the process of adaptation 
of species to environment. They represent a triple 
alliance of “sense-stimulus, central adjustment, and 
muscular response.” In human beings “instincts” 
also include habitual elements; they are inheri- 
ted and acquired units of behavior that solve re- 
curring problems. They serve the individual well 
until he finds himself face to face with new prob- 
lems. 
An instinctive tendency is a way of acting (1) 
which promotes the welfare of the individual him- 
self, (2) which perpetuates the species, or (3) which 
may even advance the welfare of the species. These 
ends, however, are not ordinarily sought conscious- 
7 John Dewey, Human Nature and Conduct, pp. 90-94. 40 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
ly. The chick which hears the warning cluck and 
runs to the mother hen does not stop to inform itself 
that it must run to cover for self-preservation. The 
warning cry was the sense-impression to which the 
chick automatically responded. Chicks that do not 
respond to warning calls soon lose their lives; those 
that heed promptly are saved, and become the pro- 
genitors of a line of chicks which are characterized 
by this type of instinctive behavior. 
In the same way instinctive tendencies which 
function to perpetuate the species operate blindly, 
and not because the desire is present to increase the 
number of the members of the species. The preva- 
lence of large families a century ago in the United 
States, or today among the poorer classes, does not 
mean at all that the parents in question were or are 
motivated by definite plans to build up the race nu- 
merically. 
Instinctive tendencies which serve to advance 
human welfare function as a rule in unconscious 
ways. A large proportion of self-sacrificing, altru- 
istic deeds are performed without thought of bene- 
fitting the race, e. g., the multitudinous acts of self- 
sacrifice of the mother in behalf of her infant. It is 
highly fortunate, in fact, that social conduct can be 
reduced in a large percentage of instances to instinc- 
tive reactions. 
5. Feeling Reactions. The feelings are a devel- 
opment of the instinctive side of life. At the council BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
41 
table of consciousness, there is inherited representa- 
tion in the form of the feelings. Although as old 
in its origin as the instinctive tendencies, the feel- 
ing side of life became expanded later. The feel- 
ings are the pleasant or unpleasant tones of the or- 
ganism.8 An idea which furthers my momentary 
interests is at once accompanied by an agreeable 
tone of the organism; while an idea which thwarts 
those interests is instantaneously undermined by a 
disagreeable feeling.9 An act which as a rule has 
been favorable in the past to the organism or to the 
race or to both produces an agreeable tone of con- 
sciousness. If some one were to suggest to me at 
the present moment a visit to a dentist’s chair, I 
should suffer an unpleasant tone of consciousness, 
because my early experiences in the dentist’s chair 
were exceedingly painful. On the other hand if 
some one were to suggest a beefsteak fry in the 
Rockies, I should experience a highly agreeable 
organic tone. 
The agreeable or disagreeable tone appears quick- 
ly and in far less time than is required to ana- 
lyze and to evaluate the given suggestion. In other 
words, the feeling nature of the human organism 
gives a quicker-than-thought evaluation to a pro- 
posed activity upon the basis of past experience, not 
only of the organism itself, but also of the race. It 
* Cf. C. A. Ellwood, An Introduction to Social Psychology, Ch. XIV. 
' Cf. J. R. Angel!, Psychology, Ch. XIV. 42 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
was this conception which Plato undoubtedly had 
in mind when he said that there are two counsellors 
in one’s bosom, one is pleasure and the other is 
pain.10 
A pleasurable feeling that accompanies a given 
idea indicates that in the history of the organism, 
or of the race, the group of acts to which the given 
idea is related has been helpful and constructive. 
The pleasurable tone implies but does not neces- 
sarily prove the present value of a given act. The 
fact that a certain type of acts in the past has been 
helpful or harmful indicates that in all probability 
this type will continue to be helpful or harmful. 
If conditions change, however, this implication will 
probably not be realized. 
People are peculiarly alike in their feelings—an 
observation which is due to the fact that people have 
had about the same racial experience. In this long 
racial history, certain ways of doing have proved 
favorable to race development; and others, unfavor- 
able. A given activity will fall into one of two main 
groupings of race experience and the reaction in all 
individuals who come in contact with this idea is the 
same—a pleasant or unpleasant tone of conscious- 
ness in accordance with the favorable or unfavor- 
able race experience with this type of activity. 
It is difficult to argue against the feelings. There 
are many reasons. An important explanation is 
10 Laws (tr. by Jowett), p. 644. BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
43 
that the feelings are outside the plane of cognition. 
Cognition can recognize, describe, and classify the 
events which lead to the expression of a given feel- 
ing, but can not do much else. An idea which is 
thrown against the feelings by way of an argument 
travels on an entirely different plane. The best 
way to “argue” against the feelings is to stimulate 
counter feelings. 
Another cause of the difficulty of arguing against 
the feelings is the fact that the feelings developed 
much earlier, phylogenetically, than cognition. The 
feelings are older and more deep-seated than ideas. 
They are closer to the inner core of organic life. 
Consequently they are not reached by the younger 
and less deep-rooted thought side of life. 
A person who moves according to his feelings acts 
usually in harmony with the dictates of race experi- 
ence. In so far as racial history is similar to present 
conditions, he thus acts wisely. The conditions of 
life, however, whether physical or social, are con- 
stantly undergoing change. Hence, racial or even 
individual experience is not always a safe guide. 
Another factor is necessary, namely, cognition. 
6. Habitual Reactions. When instinctive and 
feeling responses fail, new coordinations of impulses 
are tried out and if successful are repeated until they 
automatically respond in a specific way whenever 
excited by a given stimulus. These acquired modi- 
fications and coordinations of impulses and previ- 44 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
ously formed mechanisms of behavior are known 
as habits. An ordinary “instinct” is probably made 
up largely of habit coordinations.11 Habit func- 
tions everywhere in mental interaction. 
It is the privilege of human beings deliberately to 
build up new habits which will make them masters 
to a degree of their environment. Within limits, 
a young person who has a helpful social environ- 
ment can acquire habits in almost any direction 
that he wishes. It is a fortunate child who has pa- 
rents and teachers who impress him with the fact 
that he can plan his habits, and deliberately set out 
to build up a constructive-habitual way of acting. 
Virtues and vices are striking illustrations of 
habit. He who teaches a child to build constructive 
habits into his neural system is one of the greatest 
benefactors of mankind. He who influences a child 
to develop negative habits, or permits him to do so, 
is in that regard anti-social. 
Habit is a leading factor in accelerating or hin- 
dering social advance. Ordinarily too little atten- 
tion is given to the constructive nature of habit.12 
(1) Habit is a valuable time-saver, both individ- 
ually and socially. Suppose that the grocer had to 
learn to read every time that he filled an order for 
11 An excellent treatment of the basic role of habits is given by Dewey, 
Human Nature and Conduct, Parts I and II. 
“Two splendid chapters on this subject are in William James’ Psychol- 
ogy, (briefer course), and in W. D. Scott’s Increasing Human Efficiency 
in Business. BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
45 
a customer, that an engineer had to learn to operate 
an engine whenever he started out upon his regular 
run, or that a banker had to learn the numeral sys- 
tem whenever he transacted business for a patron— 
these suppositions indicate the almost inconceivable 
dependence of modern social processes upon habit. 
(2) Habit increases both individual and social 
accuracy. Note the difference between driving a nail 
the first time and the twentieth. Compare the ac- 
curacy of a piano novice and a Paderewski. Ob- 
serve the difference in movements and despatch of a 
group of recruits and a trained regiment. It is 
strangely true that nothing is well done until it is 
done by habit. Reliability and thoroughness de- 
pend on habit. 
(3) Habit enables one to do a large amount of 
work with a relatively small degree of fatigue. The 
first hundred miles that one drives an automobile 
in learning is more wearing upon him than the sec- 
ond thousand miles that he drives. The learning 
processes in any field are usually very fatiguing 
until they become habitual. The reduction of new 
processes to habit releases the energy of the indi- 
vidual for new activities and enables him to accom- 
plish a large amount of work with a minimum ex- 
penditure of strength. 
(4) Habit releases the mind from the necessity 
of paying attention to the details of the successive 
steps of an act. He who has a large number of well- 46 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
established constructive habits is free to center his 
whole* attention to the best advantage on the prob- 
lem of the hour. If it is true that the man who is 
in the grip of habit is a slave, it may be also true 
that he is the best prepared to advance. He is a 
slave when the habit is destructive; he is a fortu- 
nately free man if the habit is constructive. De- 
structive habits are often acquired as a result of 
unconscious adaptation. Unless individuals are 
taught or are wise enough to build up constructive 
habits, unconscious and passive adaptations will 
likely bring about destructive or useless habits. Life 
is a contest; if we do not acquire constructive hab- 
its, destructive habits will acquire us. Herein lies 
the difference between individual freedom and 
slavery. 
(5) Habit means to have. Habit gives posses- 
sion; it gives permanency to one’s experiences. A 
city milkman who left his horse and wagon at the 
curb for a moment was surprised upon his return to 
see the horse, with the milk cans rolling from the 
wagon, pursuing at a gallop the fire department’s 
wagon that had passed. Several years previously 
the horse had become a well-trained member of the 
fire department, and on this occasion his former 
habits had been immediately stimulated by the 
clanging gong of the fire department’s wagon. Al- 
though I learned to ride a bicycle several years ago, 
it has now been five years since I have ridden. But BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
47 
I would not hesitate today to mount a bicycle and 
start off, and within a few minutes I should expect 
to feel perfectly at home again upon a “wheel.” The 
process of riding was long ago reduced to a habit 
which remains with me. To reduce one’s construc- 
tive ways of doing, of thinking, and of judging to 
habit is a valuable enterprise. Such a process is the 
essence of learning. 
(6) Habits signify stability. A person with 
strength of character possesses a number of well-or- 
ganized habits. The reliability of a person is due to 
the fact that he has habits and hence acts with a cer- 
tain uniformity in given situations. His honesty or 
dishonesty is largely a matter of habit; he who is 
trusted is ordinarily the person who is honest by 
habit. Reliable habits are socially negative or posi- 
tive. According to his habits, a person is entirely 
dependable—dependable to vote for the saloon, de- 
pendable to accept the easy task, dependable to ex- 
ploit, dependable to beg, dependable to steal. An- 
other person can be depended on to vote for child 
welfare measures, to refuse bribes, to render public 
service at the expense of his own business. The 
highest type of habits is socialized habits, whereby 
the individual habitually responds to public welfare 
or to individual welfare which is in line with pub- 
lic welfare. 
(7) Habits not only persist, but often they per- 
jist too long. They maintain themselves with te- 48 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
nacity, and after their usefulness has ended. A de- 
structive habit persists until it exhausts the indi- 
vidual ; a constructive one saves life, but even it may 
hold the individual’s growth to a low level rather 
than encourage this growth in keeping with in- 
creasingly larger demands of new and expanding so- 
cial environments. One of the difficult problems in 
this connection is that of forming habits which will 
meet present environmental situations wholesomely, 
but will not hinder the individual in meeting the 
larger needs of the future. A safe procedure is rep- 
resented by the formation of general habits, habit s 
in line with social and physical evolutionary tend- 
encies, habits which will not need to be rooted out 
entirely, but which may be modified somewhat from 
time to time. The individual needs to hold his 
habit-forming tendencies under the closest super- 
vision, to seek the counsel of elders who have 
achieved a wide and deep outlook, to examine re- 
peatedly his own incipient habits as well as the es- 
tablished ones, and most important of all, to estab- 
lish the habit of forming new mental habits. 
(8) Thinking is habit, and thought habits are 
predominant. They determine one’s behavior and 
the direction of his activity habits. Since thinking 
is a habit, knowledge becomes an organizaticn of 
habits. It is only by repeatedly thinking an idea 
through that we come fully to understand it; and it 
is only by such repetitions that it becomes a part BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
49 
of our mental store, and attains the status of a 
habit. 
The process known as association of ideas is ba- 
sically habit. When a new thought is associated 
with an old one, it is fitted into the given habit rou- 
tine; an established habit adopts incipient habits, 
and enlarges its structure. A belief is clearly an 
habitual way of thinking; an ideal is a habitually 
thought goal. The matter of making judgments is 
a habitual phase of thinking, while even wishes, 
wants, and desires have an unconscious habitual 
nature. 
(9) Habituation is unconscious activity. That 
which becomes habitual sinks below the threshold 
of consciousness, and since so much of life is re- 
duced to the habitual, there is a sense in which the 
subconscious becomes the major portion of person- 
ality. Dreams are partly to be explained as seg- 
ments of habitual activity coming to the foreground 
in one’s sleep, and the ludicrousness of dreams is 
often found in the fact that these segments are re- 
produced outside their original and natural setting. 
The relinquishment of attentive control which oc- 
curs in sleep allows these habit segments to appear 
in peculiar and sometimes startling fashion. Habits 
therefore may safely be viewed as primary factors 
not only in conscious life but also in subconscious 
behavior. 50 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
7. Cognitive Reactions. Cognition is the central 
nucleus of consciousness. Cognition developed to 
aid the organism to adjust itself to new factors in 
the environment. If there were no new problems 
to solve, then the feelings—representing past expe- 
rience—would be adequate. In a social environ- 
ment, characterized by change and marked by con- 
stantly arising new situations, the feelings are in- 
sufficient. An additional element is required; cog- 
nition meets this need. With the feeling side of 
organic life to evaluate acts on the basis of past 
experience, and with the cognitive phase to evaluate 
acts on the basis of present conditions and future 
probabilities, a person is well equipped to solve the 
problems of life. 
As the social environment is more changeable and 
gives rise to more new problems than the physical 
environment, cognition in a surprising degree is a 
social product. Its development has come in re- 
sponse to the changing elements in the social envi- 
ronment. It is probable that an average child who 
grew from birth to adult life with no social con- 
tacts, that is, outside group life, would not advance 
beyond a state of mental groveling. On the other 
hand, in the case of an ordinary individual, the ef- 
fects of an unusually stimulating social and mental 
environment are clearly seen. The term, “high po- 
tential of the city,” coined by E. A. Ross, refers to 
the relatively large number of mental stimulations BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
51 
which come to an urban resident in a day and which 
normally result in increased mental activity. 
The imagination is a vital phase of cognition and 
of mental interaction. To imagine is to think of 
reality in terms of images. The purpose of imagi- 
nation is to make the real seem more real. It oper- 
ates even in abstract thinking. The public speaker 
continually utilizes images in order to present his 
ideas to his audience. The crowd or even the ordi- 
nary audience thinks almost entirely in terms of 
images. The advanced experimenter in the labora- 
tory imagines one possible solution after another to 
a problem and proceeds to try out the imagined so- 
lutions consecutively until he comes upon the cor- 
rect combination. His success depends in part upon 
his ability to imagine a variety of experiments. 
Imagination enables one to put himself in the 
place of others. According to Balzac, imagination 
permits one to slip into the skins of other persons. 
A selfish man is unable or unwilling to imagine 
himself in the positions of others. Imagination is a 
basic element in sympathy, and socialized imagina- 
tion is essential to social progress. 
Remembering is another element of cognition and 
interaction. To remember is to think an idea that 
one has thought before with the added conscious- 
ness that one has thought it before. To remember is 
to re-create an idea that one has already thought 
about. The re-creating process means that in re- 52 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
membering, the individual may easily and uncon- 
sciously change the character of the given idea. 
Hence the frequent inaccuracy in remembering. 
Many persons blindly complain of their poor 
memories. Others patronize the so-called memory 
training schools and expend more energy in trying 
to memorize and utilize a set of abstract formulae 
than is necessary in remembering by the use of nat- 
ural methods. All who complain of poor memories 
overlook the fact that they are probably using only 
a small percentage of the retentive ability which 
they have inherited. They need to know that they 
can learn anything that they want to if they get in- 
terested in it sufficiently. They need to utilize the 
law of the association of ideas, that is, to analyze 
the given new idea and connect it, or some part of 
it, with an idea, or a train of ideas, that is already 
established. They need to learn the importance of 
expressing to others frequently that which they 
would remember. 
The highest form of cognition is reason. Pure 
reason takes cognizance of factors present in neither 
time nor space; it considers a larger environment 
than that which is present to the senses. Reason is 
a supreme adjustor. It enables a person to adjust 
himself to the factors of a world environment. It 
assists an individual in becoming so adapted to his 
social and universal environments that he develops 
a perfected and socialized personality. BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
53 
8. Volitional Reactions. Every person is active. 
Personality is activity. Since personality is activ- 
ity, it possesses force, and it can make over the con- 
ditions under which it lives. Personality, moreover, 
is intelligent force and can exercise wisdom in mod- 
ifying its environment. The more highly developed 
the personality, the greater the control that it may 
exercise over its conditions of life. The more social- 
ized the personality, the greater the influence that 
it will wield in behalf of public welfare. 
Persons can make evaluations, not only upon the 
basis of past experience, and with reference to pres- 
ent needs and future probabilities, but they can also 
choose between several proposed activities and act 
upon the given choice. In one sense volition is the 
choosing phase of consciousness; in another sense, it 
is the acting side of consciousness, that is, it is the 
individual acting. 
While many choices are probably made upon 
bases which are largely determined by hereditary 
and environmental factors, there is left a certain 
margin wherein the individual may make choices. 
This margin of freedom in choosing is undoubtedly 
a result of selection. Individuals with a reserve of 
freedom survive better and are able to adjust them- 
selves more satisfactorily to their social environ- 
ment with its changing elements than persons with- 
out this advantage. The margin of choice would be 
useless in a static environment, or in a purely phys- 54 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
ical, materialistic, and mechanical universe. Vo- 
lition has its fundamental roots in the changing 
factors of social life. If not in its origin then in its 
development, volition is social. 
The margin of freedom in making choices varies. 
When health conditions are unfavorable, when pov- 
erty pinches, when wealth inflates, the margin 
shrinks. For every person the margin varies from 
hour to hour. For nearly all persons and at nearly 
all times, this limited freedom in choosing is in 
many ways the most significant psychical character- 
istic that they possess. 
The marginal degree of freedom means that per- 
sonality is not completely plastic. Within limits, 
personality is independent of environment. Con- 
sciously and unconsciously a person continually 
makes choices among the countless stimuli with 
which he is bombarded. He acts within the range 
of his limited freedom and upon the basis of his or- 
ganic needs and of his acquired habitual needs. 
These psychological boundaries denote the field 
within which personality develops. 
A person does not simply make choices, and rest 
there. He carries out the accepted idea. Every idea 
is dynamic and tends to carry itself out into ac- 
tion—this is the primary fact in acting and doing. 
If there are no inhibiting tendences or obstructive 
environmental factors, acting and doing are easy. 
When the given choice arouses inhibitions or en- BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
55 
counters environmental obstacles, action is difficult. 
Consequently, the individual must will to act; he 
must develop the habit of overcoming. The individ- 
ual must be trained, and train himself to keep his 
eye upon and think of the gains which result from 
overcoming obstacles. The idea of public service 
may become so strong that individuals will regular- 
ly inhibit selfish impulses or overcome socially vi- 
cious temptations. 
The result of acting and doing is learning. It is 
in carrying choices into effect that one really learns 
the meaning of them. The experimental laboratory 
surpasses the class room because it offers more op- 
portunities for carrying out ideas. Discussions are 
superior to lectures because they provide an open 
field for expression. Action underlies learning. I 
could sit beside a chauffeur and watch him carefully 
in his handling of an automobile every day for a 
year, but at the end of that time I could not be a 
safe driver. It is in actual driving that I become 
trustworthy at the wheel. Action, therefore, leads 
to learning, achieving, progressing. 
9. Aptitudes. There are certain inherited im- 
pulses which under environmental stimulation tend 
to become organized into habitual traits, such as 
inquisitiveness, acquisitiveness, combativeness; they 
are known as aptitudes. Then, there are inherited 
mechanisms which are potentially organized in spe- 
cific directions, and which tend to express them- 56 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
selves in these directions in the early years of life, 
for example, musical, mechanical, or mathematical 
ability. Aptitudes are universal, while the special 
aptitudes may or may not be present in an indi- 
vidual’s inherited equipment. Aptitudes function 
daily in all mental interaction; hence, the main ones 
will be analyzed here. The special aptitudes may 
or may not be found in ordinary interaction. They 
are related to phenomena of talent and genius and 
hold a special relation to interaction. They will be 
referred to again in the discussion of leadership. 
Inquisitiveness is an inherited aptitude which in 
the form of habit becomes expressed variously. It 
is excited by all phenomena which are moderately 
different from those that come within one’s ordinary 
experiences. On one hand, events which are differ- 
ent from the usual do not attract special attention 
at all. On the other hand, phenomena which are es- 
pecially different from anything that is known 
arouse fear. But that which is moderately dif- 
ferent at once arouses the inquisitive impulses. 
Animals which have been led astray by sounds 
that are very strange have probably been decoyed 
and consequently have sooner or later lost their 
lives. Those individuals, either animal or human, 
which are never attracted by anything that is new 
remain mediocre or retrograde. Those who are in- 
terested in things that are moderately strange avoid 
violent destruction and also slow decadence. A BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
57 
highly differentiated form of the moderately strange 
is “signs of concealment or stealth,” which immedi- 
ately arrest attention and make a powerful appeal 
to inquisitiveness. Reasonably curious individuals 
survive best. 
Society prefers individuals with moderately in- 
quisitive minds. The person wrho is overly inquisi- 
tive becomes unpopular and loses his influence; he 
who never asks questions falls behind his contem- 
poraries into obscurity. He who attends to his own 
affairs and maintains an alert, active mind regard- 
ing social tendencies lays the best foundation for a 
progressive personality. 
Scientific research and genuine intellectual study 
have roots in inquisitiveness. Many research schol- 
ars have testified to the motivating force of curios- 
ity. The statements of Thomas A. Edison indicate 
that the achievements of the distinguished inventor 
sprang from an overwhelming desire to find satis- 
factory solutions to problems. Finding answers to 
problems represents the highest development of in- 
quisitiveness. Finding solutions to social questions 
is the highest sendee which inquisitiveness renders. 
Thus, intellectual progress (primarily) and social 
progress (secondarily) depend upon the operation 
of the curiosity impulses. 
Acquisitiveness develops early. One of the most 
interesting traits of a five-year-old child is his pro- 
pensity for making collections of articles. Child- 58 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
hood and adolescence abound with expressions of 
the desire to make collections—of stamps, butter- 
flies, dolls, marbles, bird eggs. This propensity often 
continues throughout life. To it there may be 
traced some of the world’s finest libraries and art 
galleries. 
The tendency to acquire is fundamental to all 
possessions of land and other forms of material 
wealth. So strong and persistent is it that men con- 
tinue to accumulate riches long after they have ac- 
quired enough property for the needs of themselves 
and of their immediate descendants. 
Modern civilization owes its rise in part to pri- 
vate accumulations of wealth. It is reserve wealth 
which makes leisure from manual labor possible; 
it is this leisure which has given some individuals 
opportunities to make socially beneficial inventions. 
If all persons had to spend all their working time 
in satisfying the physical needs of life, there would 
be little leeway for social advance. 
The desire to acquire property, especially land, is 
characteristic not only of the individual but of the 
group. Every strong nation has manifested the de- 
sire to acquire territory—note the territorial expan- 
sion of the United States since 1789. Some nations 
have spent themselves in their desire for more terri- 
tory. Many of the cruel wars that have been waged 
by monarchial governments have arisen from the 
national weakness for more territorv. When mon- 
J BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
59 
archial forms of government pass away, it is prob- 
able that territorial wars will become unpopular. 
An international institution such as a League of 
Nations will justify its existence if it can succeed in 
stifling national desires for territorial aggrandise- 
ment. 
The regulation of the acquisition tendency when 
it has succeeded in building up a strongly intrenched 
system of private property is exceedingly difficult.13 
The acquisitive tendency knows no bounds. A rela- 
tively few individuals or coteries may secure control 
of a major portion of the wealth within a nation 
and use it arbitrarily. Consequently, socialism, 
syndicalism, Bolshevism, gain vast recruits from 
the propertyless classes. The fact that English 
lands have become concentrated in large estates 
that are owned by a very small proportion of the 
population of England, and that the farmers have 
become a class of tenants14 has expedited the rise 
of Bolshevistic feelings, which began in a startling 
way to be expressed after the signing of the armi- 
stice in November, 1918. 
To solve the problem, two methods are proposed. 
Without entering into a meticulous discussion it 
may be said that on one side are the people who be- 
lieve that the acquisitive desires should be blocked 
“See R. H. Tawney, The Acquisitive Society for an analysis of the 
weaknesses of acquisitiveness. 
14 Cf. William McDougall, Introduction to Social Psychology. 60 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
and crushed out and that the government should 
own all rent-producing land and all interest-pro- 
ducing capital. On the other side of the question 
there are the persons who hold that the acquisitive 
impulses are too deep-seated to be eliminated from 
human nature; that it would not be wise to stamp 
them out, even if it were possible; and that this ba- 
sic set of impulses should be allowed to operate, but 
trained to an expression in harmony with public 
welfare. 
Acquisitiveness however, has acquired such force 
that at times it defies governmental regulation. The 
undemocratic attitude and the disrespect for law 
of vast corporate or inherited bodies of wealth find 
themselves today matched by the undemocratic and 
legally disrespectful program of Bolshevism. If civ- 
ilization is going to survive the world-wide revolu- 
tionary and terrorist tendencies that are abroad, 
there must be a renaissance of respect for law, or- 
der, and justice on the part of all, beginning with the 
most powerful and ending with those who possess 
least. In other words the purely selfish aspects of 
the acquisitive impulse—individually and national- 
ly—must be eliminated. The acquisitive, or posses- 
sive, tendency, has made civilization possible. It 
must be socialized, else it will turn upon its child 
and destroy it. 
Combativeness, another instinctive tendency that 
appears habitually in countless ways, is usually ac- BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
61 
companied by the spectacular emotion of anger. In 
a primitive group the fighting leaders survived; the 
others perished. In early human society the fight- 
ing tribes survived longest and succeeded best; the 
others suffered extinction. Thus, throughout a long 
period of time—probably extending to the pres- 
ent—the combative impulse has been at a high sur- 
vival premium. It is deeply ingrained in human 
nature. 
Combativeness, and its accompanying emotion of 
anger, is excited whenever any obstacle blocks the 
operation of other instinctive tendencies, of the ha- 
bitual activities, or of the newly aroused and cur- 
rently conscious desires. The fighting tendency15 
and its emotion energizes the individual, concen- 
trates his energies, and drives him ahead over ob- 
stacles. The fighting impulses secure readjust- 
ments, both individual and social. In its crudest 
forms combativeness shows itself in the snarl and 
rush of the dog, in the clenched and striking fists 
of the boy, in the lynching atrocities of the mob, in 
the brutalities which are committed in the name of 
organized warfare. 
The fighting propensity has been undergoing 
modifications. Its earliest expression was in the 
form of destruction. If a plant is obnoxious, de- 
stroy it. If an animal is dangerous, kill it. If a 
“The combative impulses, the fighting impulses, and the pugnacious 
impulses are terms which are used synonymously in this chapter. 62 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
man gets in your way, knock him down, stab him, 
shoot him. If a tribe wants your hunting grounds, 
annihilate that tribe. Then, revenge developed out 
of the fighting impulses. If you cannot destroy at 
once the thing, person, or tribe that is in your way, 
bide your time, foster the desire to destroy, and at 
the opportune moment rise up and slay. If you 
cannot destroy the person who has wronged you, 
then kill an innocent relative—thus originated the 
blood feud. 
But if you cannot exterminate, then administer 
heavy physical and mental punishment. Torture 
has been considered a satisfactory form of punish- 
ment, and as a result, jails and prisons have turned 
back their inmates to societv in a more anti-social 
✓ 
state of mind than when the offenders were com- 
mitted to punishment. The new standard is to al- 
low the rigorous discipline of work to serve as pun- 
ishment and to set in motion constructive processes 
of reform. A new criterion involving a high degree 
of self-control for dealing with anger was set thou- 
sands of years ago by the ethical seer who said: “A 
soft answer turneth away wrath.” 
Although a heritage from the days of fang and 
claw, the fighting tendencies, in modified forms, are 
an essential factor in individual and social progress. 
In the early days of human society they were com- 
monly expressed in the physical combat between 
individuals. In the modern civilized nation-state BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
63 
individuals as a rule do not resort to physical clash 
in order to settle disputes, but turn to discussion 
and conciliation or to the organized courts. Their 
individual fighting energies are thus not used to 
destroy their fellow beings but are diverted into in- 
tellectual contests. 
The combative tendency is undergoing intrinsic 
changes. Its very nature is being transformed by 
the operation of intellectual factors, such as discus- 
sion and education. It may be entirely altered 
through the continued operation of social organiza- 
tions, such as courts of justice. Its course may be 
completely changed through the expression of the 
highest spiritual virtues, such as love. 
The struggle for existence in the biological world 
which takes place upon the plane of physical 
strength has its counterpart among human beings in 
militarism and in commercialism of the highly 
competitive, destructive types. It is increasingly 
evident that these struggles will be completely 
changed in nature through the quiet, creative, per- 
vasive influence of love and other spiritual forces. 
As a class the “fittest” to survive are undergoing 
an evolution from the lowest types of brute strength 
to shrewd forms of mental efficiency and strength, 
and then to socialized personalities motivated by 
the principle of love. 
A recent evidence of the belief that vital modifica- 
tions of the fighting impulses are taking place is 64 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
found in a book entitled, Dig Biologie des Krieggs 
by Professor G. F. Nicolai. The volume was pub- 
lished in 1917 and translated into English in 1918.10 
This daring German writer, who was imprisoned 
during the War for his views and who was rescued 
from prison by aeroplane, holds that the hitherto 
ineradicable fighting disposition is a survival of 
tendencies which at one time were useful but which 
are now positively dangerous. The need for the 
transformation of this instinctive tendency is im- 
perative. One species of animals after another has 
died out before it could change its instinctive ways. 
Hence, the question is pertinent: Will mankind die 
out because it cannot change the fighting impulses ? 
Will mankind through the pugnacious use of mar- 
velous scientific inventions literally kill itself off? 
Or can it control the fighting energies of individuals 
and nations and convert them into constructive 
forces ? 
Combativeness is the chief psychic element In 
business competition and political campaigning. It 
is the dynamo which engenders tremendous forces 
in intellectual realms. It contributes to the pleasure 
of the participant in, and the spectator of, compet- 
itive games. It leads to contests between ideals and 
programs and is a primary factor in progress. Ad- 
ditional phases of the combative impulses will be 
presented in a subsequent chapter on “Group Con- 
flicts.” 
16 The Biology of War, Century Co. BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
65 
When war becomes historic, there will still be a 
far-reaching need for the fighting spirit. Then na- 
tions and individuals will still need to fight social 
evils and sins. They will be constrained to destroy, 
not the best people of competitive, sovereign groups, 
but the evil in all peoples, under the supervision of 
a planetary order. The struggles against social evils 
will always demand, as far as one can now see, the 
exercise of the combative tendency in a socialized 
form. The combative forces are not to be elimi- 
nated but to be rationally directed, modified, and 
made subservient to human welfare. 66 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
PROBLEMS 
1. What is mental interaction? 
2. Can you distinguish between mental and social in- 
teraction? 
3. How far would you have developed had you been 
denied all opportunities at birth of mental interaction? 
4. Why do people have a strong desire to communicate 
with others? 
5. Why is there so much conversation about trivial 
matters? 
6. What is the value of “table talk”? 
7. Why do many people have difficulty in conversing at 
a formal reception? 
8. What are the chief elements in original human na- 
ture? 
9. What is an instinctive reaction? 
10. Why are most instinctive tendencies common to peo- 
ple of every race? 
11. What does a pleasant feeling signify? 
12. Criticize the statement: He instinctively closed the 
door. 
13. Why are habits so commonly deprecated? 
14. Why is it true that whatever is worth doing at all is 
worth doing well? 
15. Compare the evils of occasional lying and habitual 
lying. 
16. Why are you thinking now? 
17. When during your waking hours do you think least? 
18. When do you think the most strenuously? 
19. When do you do the highest grade of thinking? 
20. Does a squirrel need to be more “intelligent” than a 
fish? BASES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
67 
21. Does an architect need to be more intelligent than 
a mason? 
22. Does a child of the tenements need to be more intelli- 
gent than a child of wealthy parents? 
23. Is it true that the tap-root of selfishness is weakness 
of imagination? 
24. In what ways do adults have an advantage over 
children in being able to remember? 
25. Is it true that the average student habitually begins 
the study of his lesson by memorizing “with the expectation 
of doing whatever thinking is necessary later’’? 
26. Is the final examination system in colleges psycho- 
logically sound? 
27. Can one think quickly and well at the same time? 
28. Explain: To think is dangerous. 
29. Why do so few people develop the reasoning ability 
to its full extent, when it would be so greatly advantageous 
to do so? 
30. Is it more common for a person to base his decision 
upon evidence, or to seek evidence to justify his decision? 
Why? 
31. Explain: We learn to worship through worshipping. 
32. What is the meaning of learning by teaching? 
33. In a qualitative sense which procedure is the more 
difficult to learn in each of the following cases: 
(a) Writing or walking; 
(b) Thinking or writing; 
(c) Deciding “No” or deciding “Yes”? 
34. What is the relation between inquisitiveness and sci- 
entific research? 
35. Beyond what limits is it wrong to indulge the acquisi- 
tive impulses? 
36. What impulses are aroused when a person runs to 
see a fight? 
37. Is it necessary to get angry in order to fight well? 68 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
READINGS 
Baldwin, J. M., Social and Ethical Interpretations, Ch. VI. 
Cooley, C. H., Social Organization, Part II. 
Dewey, John, Human Nature and Conduct, Parts I, II. 
Edman, Irwin, Human Traits, Ch. X. 
Ellwood, C. A., An Introduction to Social Psychology, Chs. 
IV, IX. 
Gault, R. H., Social Psychology, Ch. II. 
Hobhouse, L. T., Mind in Evolution, Ch. IV. 
Hocking, W. E., Human Nature and its Remaking, Parts II, 
III. 
Marot, Helen, The Creative Impulse in Industry. 
McDougall, William, An Introduction to Social Psychology, 
Ch. IX. 
Paton, Stewart, Human Behavior, Ch. IX. 
Platt, Charles, The Psychology of Social Life, Ch. IV. 
Tawney, R. H., The Acquisitive Society. 
Wallas, Graham, The Great Society, Chs. V, X-XII. 
Watson, J. B., Psychology, Ch. XIII. 
Williams, J. M., Principles of Social Psychology, Part I. 
Woodworth, R. S., Psychology, Ch. XIII. Chapter III 
SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
1. Social Aptitudes. Human nature is social 
nature even as much as it is selfish nature. Human 
beings have developed out of group life and hence 
naturally respond to group and social stimuli. The 
collective spirit is intrinsic. “We can never domi- 
nate another or be dominated by another; the 
group-spirit is always our master.”1 Domination 
is always subject in other words to the conditions 
of group life and the inner mechanisms of the hu- 
man organism. The group process is basic to all 
things else, shaping original human nature, ac- 
quired reactions, structures and functions of indi- 
viduals and groups alike. All conflict is subordi- 
nate to associative and mental interaction proc- 
esses; exploitation could take place only after the 
social process has been set up. This all-pervasive 
collective spirit is so common and subtle that it is 
ordinarilv overlooked. 
J 
Gregariousness is a specific and concentrated or- 
ganization of the social spirit. It expresses itself in 
a satisfaction of being one of a herd or group, and 
JM. P. Follette, The New State (Longmans, Green: 1920), p. 43. 70 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
in an uneasiness—leading to wild distraction—in 
being alone or separated from the group. David 
Hume, one of the first close observers in social psy- 
chology, asserted that every pleasure languishes and 
every pain becomes more cruel when experienced 
apart from the company of others.2 “Let all the 
powers serve one man,” declared Hume, and “he 
will still be miserable till he be given at least one 
man to enjoy them with him.” 3 
The animal which becomes separated from the 
herd will risk its life in order to re-join the group. 
On a holiday rural people rush to the places where 
crowds are expected to congregate. Urban people 
herd together in the already overcrowded districts. 
Prisoners who are subjected to solitary confine- 
ment suffer so greatly that penologists now con- 
sider this form of punishment unjustifiably cruel. 
The insanity rate runs from three to ten times 
higher in prisons where solitary punishment is used 
than in other prisons. Solitude for a long time 
tends to break up and unbalance the strongest per- 
sonalities. 
The gregarious impulses possess a definite sur- 
vival value inasmuch as they keep individuals in 
the presence of one another and furnish a basis for 
co-operative effort. In the long process of the strug- 
gle for existence, those individuals survive best who 
2 A Treatise of Human Nature, (ed. by L. A. Selby-Bigge), Oxford, 
1896, p. 363. 
* Loc. cit. SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
71 
co-operate best. Those families function well in 
which the co-operative spirit is great. Those na- 
tions are the most developed whose spirit of co- 
operation is the most intelligent and thorough. 
The gregarious tendency underlies all fraternal 
relations between individuals and the establishment 
and on-going of all fraternal organizations. In the 
public realm, the nation-state is the chief permanent 
social institution in which gregariousness has func- 
tioned. It is probable that the gregarious tendency 
furnishes the basis for all our social ideals. 
Because the sex and parental tendencies are 
closely connected, they will be discussed together 
and in order. The sex impulses make the race pos- 
sible. Without them mankind would pass away 
with the present generation. Their power is tre- 
mendous and the regulation of them constitutes the 
gravest of social problems. In fact the misuse of 
the sex impulses is known as the social evil. Ille- 
gitimacy and other forms of vice and sin follow the 
wake of unregulated social impulses. From the be- 
ginning of time to the present hour, all tribes and 
nations have grappled and struggled with this Her- 
cules among social problems. In the United States 
a far-reaching conflict is in progress between the 
persons and organizations which have subtly com- 
mercialized the sex impulses of the young, and the 
forces of individual and public chastity. There is a 
widespread and appalling use of hotels and apart- 72 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
ment houses by “mistresses” who are supported by 
so-called respectable men. Sexual vice always con- 
stitutes a standing menace in the vicinity of army 
cantonments where sexual prostitutes ply their trade 
with boldness. 
The parental tendency is an outgrowth of the sex 
impulses. It has produced the venerable social in- 
stitution of the family. Without parental care, the 
offspring early begins the struggle for existence, 
against great odds, and with little opportunity for 
normal development. With one parent who gives 
a protecting and directing care, the offspring has a 
fair chance for self-development and for rendering 
useful service to society. When both parents intel- 
ligently co-operate in the process of family-building, 
the children are thus given the advantage of the 
experience of two elders, and are protected from the 
harsher phases of the struggle for existence, for a 
time sufficient to enable them to become mature 
individuals, and to learn the meaning of the funda- 
mental principles of co-operative living. 
The loss of the influence of two worthy parents 
and of the institution of the family is so funda- 
mental that children who grow up outside the fam- 
ily have few chances to become socialized members 
of society. In studying the home conditions of de- 
linquents, the writer has found that the broken or 
unfit home of one type or another 4 is a leading 
factor in the majority of delinquency cases. The SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
73 
loss to a child of a socially-minded and sympathetic 
parent is irreparably great, and the loss of two such 
parents is beyond comprehension. No public or pri- 
vate institution is an adequate or equivalent sub- 
stitute. It is an established principle of modern 
philanthropy that the best alternative for the child’s 
home—if it fails—is a home with foster parents who 
are wisely selected and who maintain a home that 
is reasonably well suited to the temperament and 
needs of the child. 
As a member of a family, the child learns funda- 
mental rules of conduct. He acquires respect for 
law. He learns rudimentary principles of co-opera- 
tion. In view of the fact that the family is a social 
microcosm, the child in a family that has a social 
vision receives an excellent start for constructive 
participation in public life. 
From the standpoint of the parents themselves, 
the expression of the parental impulses results bene- 
ficially. 
Parenthood tends to lead to conduct which is 
essentially altruistic. The parental impulses are 
constantly coming in conflict with the egotistic im- 
pulses and would be worsted in the struggle if it 
‘There are several types of broken or unfit homes, namely: (1) The 
home entered by death, (2) the home in which the parents are divorced 
or. separated, (3) the home in which prolonged poverty or pauperism 
exists, (4) the home that is undermined by the extended sickness of a 
wage-earner, (5) the home characterized by shiftlessness and incapacity, 
and (6) the immigrant home where the parents in trying to adjust them- 
selves to the strange American environment have lost control of their 
children. 74 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
were not for strong reinforcements which society 
itself has brought to their aid. In order to protect 
itself and to further the parental tendencies the 
given group—and society—has built up powerful 
sanctions, for example, the moral rules which were 
instituted in ancient Hebrew days. The injunction: 
Honor thy father and thy mother, has served as a 
bulwark to the parental impulses. Then there is the 
institution of marriage which was established as a 
guardian of the parental desires. Taboos upon celi- 
bacy, upon divorce, upon immoral sex life are ef- 
fective social agents which lend support to the fam- 
ily. Ancestor worship has hallowed parenthood and 
thus helped to give China a long life. Consistent 
and persistent emphasis upon a sound family life 
has enabled the Hebrew race to perpetuate itself and 
assisted it to survive countless obstacles and innu- 
merable destructive factors. In summary, it may 
be said that the sex and parental instincts run the 
entire gamut of life from the lowest levels to the 
planes of highest social usefulness. 
The third primary social aptitude is play. This 
human trait is innate, instinctive, and complicated. 
It is so complex that it permits of various explana- 
tions and of markedly different classifications. It 
possesses a socially varied nature and often mani- 
fests itself in individual effort. In the latter cases, 
however, the individual personifies or socializes the 
object or objects with which he plays—and thus ere- SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
75 
ates a group, with play manifesting itself as a social 
phenomenon. Even the kitten that plays with a 
spool seems to be treating the spool as if it were a 
toy mouse. 
Play and work overlap. Both involve expendi- 
ture of effort. But play is expenditure of effort 
which is intrinsically interesting, or the goal of 
which is unusually attractive. Effort which in itself 
produces agreeable feelings is play. 
The normal exercise of the play impulse renews 
life. Play rehabilitates and re-creates life. It offers 
relaxation and at the same time brings the indi- 
vidual to a balanced attitude toward the world of 
living, changing, and developing people. No per- 
sonality in whom the play spirit dies can long re- 
main well-balanced. The play attitude is essential 
in seeing the humorous side of life, in perceiving the 
silver linings to the cloudy days of life, and in ap- 
preciating the ordinary causes of laughter. The 
play impulses must remain active throughout life if 
one would keep his personality in tune with chang- 
ing social phenomena. 
As a member of a play-group, the child learns 
co-operative lessons of fundamental and life-long 
importance. At the age of three or thereabouts the 
child begins to build up a small, selected, and chang- 
ing play-group of two to five members. From three 
to six years of age the child lives in two groups— 
parental and play. In both, the gregarious tendency 76 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
operates strongly. Upon entry into school the 
child’s play group increases rapidly in size. It is the 
play impulses, supported strongly by gregariousness, 
that give the average child his great enjoyment in 
beginning his school career. For the same reason 
he begs to attend Sabbath school. 
The play groups gradually take on the character 
of boys’ gangs or girls’ clubs. Then athletic teams 
and fraternal societies develop. It is in the team- 
work which the play group affords that the individ- 
ual learns some of his most valuable social lessons, 
Where the family occasionally fails, the team work 
of a play group will succeed in inculcating a social 
principle. It is this team play that teaches the indi- 
vidual to obey, to become a leader, and to evaluate 
himself as a group-member and a force in society. 
The emphasis today is being placed upon eight 
hours for work, eight hours for sleep, and eight 
hours for leisure of which one-half is to be given 
over to amusements and recreation. Although this 
formula is not generally adopted it indicates that 
a large portion of life is being devoted to amuse- 
ments. The pace, stress, and complexity of modern 
urban life demand that regular hours daily be set 
aside for recreation. The questions arise: Does it 
matter how one plays? and, Is it anybody’s business 
how one spends his leisure hours? From the stand- 
point of group welfare it matters decidedly how the 
individual plays—whether he wastes or builds up SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
77 
his energies. In the case of the young the nature 
of play means not only construction or destruction, 
but the formation of lifelong habits. 
In this age commercial enterprise has provided 
amusements of all types and for all classes and ages 
of individuals. These provisions are made primar- 
ily to secure the largest profits, not to build up those 
persons whose play impulses are rampant. The 
kinds of appeals that are being made to the play 
impulses constitute a problem of vast social mo- 
ment. 
2. The Social Emotions and Sentiments. An 
emotion is a complex of feelings. It arises when in- 
stinctive, habitual, or conscious desires are blocked. 
Whenever an obstacle appears in the path of a 
human interest a mental disturbance ensues, ac- 
companied by emotional manifestations. In a way, 
the emotion is the affective phase of the disturbance. 
Whenever a conflict in the mind occurs, the emo- 
tions arise; but when no conflict exists ennui is 
likely to develop. Emotions and ennui are the op- 
posite ends of the pole of interest. In other words, 
emotions heighten and give color to the obstacles 
of life. 
There are three main groups of emotions, those 
of anger, of sorrow, or joy. In the case of anger, 
fundamental wishes have been held up. The indi- 
vidual is energized to overcome the obstruction. 
The rise of sorrow indicates that one has in some 78 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
particular actually loved and lost. He has had 
definitely to give up pleasant hopes or valued pos- 
sessions. Joy marks the more or less sudden real- 
ization of some important wish. 
As enlargements of the feeling side of life, the 
emotions often run to extremes and express them- 
selves in wild, blind exhibitions of discharged energy, 
or in a temporary but complete paralysis of the 
volitional nature. For example, the emotion of 
anger results in concentrated but frequently irra- 
tional forms of activity. On the other hand, the 
emotion of sorrow—of subjection and dejection— 
which follows defeat and losses tends to produce 
temporary impotence. 
Perhaps the most elemental of all emotions and 
the one which is more evenly spread than any other 
is sympathy. Certainly the chief social emotion is 
sympathy. It is probably fundamental to all three 
types that are mentioned in the foregoing para- 
graphs. 
As the word implies, sympathy means “feeling 
with” others. An example of the expression of an 
elemental form of sympathetic emotion is the imme- 
diate and appropriate response of the brood of 
chickens to the warning cry of the mother hen. 
Because of sympathetic emotion, the vigorous cry- 
ing of a baby is followed by simultaneous wailing 
on the part of infants near by, even though they do 
not have the slightest conception of the cause of the SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
79 
crying of the first child. For the same reason a 
scream of terror on the part of an adult evokes a 
similar pang on the part of by-standers, although 
the latter do not know the cause of the scream. 
The characteristic of “feeling with” others varies 
in degree with individuals. In an extreme form it 
often decreases personal efficiency. It is a misfor- 
tune, for example, for a surgeon to be over-sympa- 
thetic. At the other extreme a small measure of 
sympathy permits one’s egoistic, selfish impulses to 
run riot. Sympathy enables the individual to un- 
derstand the experiences, attitudes, and actions of 
other people. 
When an important issue is to be settled, the 
party which is successful in enlisting the sympathies 
of the public possesses a strong advantage. The 
sympathies often manifest erratic choices. Because 
they—like the feelings—are not closely allied to the 
reasoning side of consciousness, they are likely to 
be expressed in strange, irrational, and at times in 
unreliable forms. Sympathy does not always con- 
note dependable conduct. Perhaps the most con- 
spicuous social characteristic of sympathy is its 
tendency to be associated with the conservative 
elements in a conflict or struggle. It is commonly 
allied with the old, the tried, and the true. It is a 
gigantic stabilizing force. Oftentimes it adds too 
much stability. Occasionally it is so closely at- 
tached to outworn habits and customs that it acts 80 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
as a stumbling-block to progress. Nevertheless 
every new reform measure tries to win the perma- 
nent sympathies of the people. If it succeeds in this 
enterprise, all will be well for a time. 
Sympathy possesses far-reaching connections. 
For example, it functions extensively in connection 
with the parental impulses. Even the most primi- 
tive forms of love foster it. Sympathy is a strong 
ally of the gregarious impulses in holding together 
the members of a group. For this reason it has 
been aptly described as a social cement. 
A sentiment is a complex of emotional reactions 
which appears in organized ways. Sentiments are 
organized emotions with social values. For exam- 
ple, admiration involves the person who admires 
and the one who is admired; it implies the expres- 
sion of a certain degree of wonder, of humility, and 
of generosity toward the one for whom admiration 
is felt. A successful leader must gain the perma- 
nent admiration of his followers. Admiration plus 
fear constitutes awe; and awe with the addition of 
gratitude leads to reverence—the highest religious 
sentiment.5 
Respect is closely allied to admiration; it is more 
cognitive and less affective, and in general, more 
permanent than admiration. Respect is perhaps the 
most intellectualized sentiment. Self-respect im- 
plies that the individual has given thought to his 
5 Cf. William McDougall, An Introduction to Social Psychology, (eighth 
edit.), p. 132 ff. SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
81 
actions and has justified them. Respect for another 
implies that one has analyzed the activities of the 
other person and has found them satisfactory, or in 
harmony with his own ideals or standards. I do 
not believe with Dr. McDougall6 that we always 
respect those who respect themselves, and that our 
respect for another person is always a sympathetic 
reflection of his self-respect. It is true that others 
must respect themselves before we can respect them, 
but if the moral standards of others are below our 
own we will not grant them complete respect. 
Pity is a mild sentiment which arises out of sym- 
pathy for other persons but does not result in posi- 
tive sacrifice for others. The person who pities 
usually feels himself definitely separated by some 
barrier from the one who is pitied. Pity is a devel- 
oped form of sympathy which is held in check by 
a feeling of superiority, of inability to render aid, 
or of the impracticability of giving aid. The results 
of pity are rarely positive. 
Shame is experienced when the individual finds 
himself compared unfavorably with the standards 
of his friends, or when he falls below the standards 
which others expect of him. To protect himself 
from experiencing shame, the individual will often 
submit himself unflinchingly to severe discipline. 
The group, or the leaders, will often capitalize an 
individual’s aversion to shame in order to secure his 
•Ibid., p. 161. 82 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
otherwise unwilling support of a worthy or un- 
worthy cause. Whenever the socially reflected self 
falls below par, shame arises, and exists until the 
social mirror self recovers its prestige. 
Jealousy, revenge, and hate are related senti- 
ments. Jealousy arises when the ego is strongly 
developed and generally indicates a self-centered 
view of life. At its heart there is an exaggerated 
self-feeling. As a rule, jealousy narrows and con- 
tracts the individual; it hinders the growth of per- 
sonality. In the long run, the individual is justified 
only in being jealous of his character and reputa- 
tion. In a secondary and vital sense, the individual 
should be jealous of the character and good name 
of other persons and of worthy institutions. 
Revenge is an aggressive sentiment which springs 
up when the individual feels that he or someone in 
whom he is interested has been grievously injured. 
It flares high and may die down quickly. It is likely 
to be temporary in form and to disappear as soon 
as the rule of an eye for an eye has been adminis- 
tered. It may be generalized, however, by the group 
and assume deep-seated and long term proportions, 
as in the case of blood feuds. The development of 
courts of justice has met the general need which is 
served by vengeance; consequently, the sentiment 
has been losing a great deal of its force. It still 
bursts into disgraceful proportions—in the case of 
lynchings—and occupies a concealed place in many 
lives. SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
83 
Hate is a long-lived, ingrained sentiment that 
functions against the progress of constructive tend- 
encies, or even of persons and races irrespective of 
social values. Hate is an ominous element in race 
prejudice. Its value appears when it is directed not 
against people as such, but against sin, vice, and 
crime. 
Love is a conserving, stabilizing and yet tumul- 
tuous sentiment of unmeasured power. In its most 
primitive, elemental expressions it may be more or 
less purely sexual and may lead to sexual vice and 
to impurity and to illegitimacy. A higher form is 
that known as romantic love, the subject of which 
is impelled to extensive undertakings and sacrifices 
in behalf of the one who is loved.7 The primitive 
nature of romantic love is shown in its fickleness. 
It may lead, however, to conjugal love which pos- 
sesses qualities of endurance. The strength of con- 
jugal love develops out of the fact that husbands 
and wives experience great joys and sorrows to- 
gether. It is particularly in the suffering together 
of husband and wife that emotional romantic love 
becomes transformed into the strong, deep, and 
abiding currents of conjugal love. Maternal love 
is the keenest, deepest, and most concentrated form 
of the love of one person for another. The love of 
a mother for her child is the most enduring type of 
love; it persists despite continued gross neglect and 
T Cf. L. F. Ward, Pure Sociology, pp. 377 ff. 84 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
even of utterly despicable conduct on the part of 
the son or daughter. Paternal love is far less in- 
tense and less enduring than maternal love; it is 
more akin to love of brother for brother. Filial 
love is often strongly expressed in childhood and 
adolescence and then it may weaken. It may be 
revived in the later years of life and assume its 
earlier strength and be expressed in ways which 
gladden parental hearts. Consanguineal love ranges 
from the close attachment that is characteristic of 
maternal love to a simple form of nominal friend- 
ship. Out of all these forms of love the family as a 
social institution is builded. 
A further observation should be made concern- 
ing consanguineal love, which frequently takes on 
idealistic forms. It often manifests itself in sane 
types of friendship. It may extend itself beyond 
blood relationships. Two unrelated persons may 
become “like brothers.” Consanguineal love leads 
to the most dependable types of loyalty. In its 
highest sense it gives content to a doctrine of the 
brotherhood of man. In the same way parental 
love has been given a religious connotation of God’s 
love for man, and filial love has been transcribed 
into man’s love for God. 
3. Socially Reflected Behavior. Every person is 
surrounded by social mirrors. A friend or an enemy 
is a social mirror. The reflection of oneself which 
he sees in the minds of others is his socially reflected SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
85 
self. The nature of the reflection is rarely true; 
it varies with the points of view of the different 
human reflectors. The conduct of every person, 
young and old, is continually conditioned by the 
presence and opinions of other persons, and espe- 
cially by the judgments or supposed judgments of 
friends. At every turn of life, the choices and ac- 
tions of a person are partially determined by the 
images of himself which he sees reflected in the 
minds of his friends, that is, by his socially re- 
flected self. 
The strenuous struggles for medals, honors, posi- 
tions are often due to the desire to satisfy the so- 
cially reflected self. A military officer reports that 
a grave weakness of the army and navy is the pow- 
erful desire for promotion. Promotion is the cov- 
eted honor, the topic of open and secret conversa- 
tions, the measure of success. To win a promotion 
means to receive the admiring glances of friends 
and the jealous appraisals of enemies. The socially 
reflected self is likely to become unduly distorted 
and to give one a dangerously inflated estimate of 
himself. 
At first many a recruit has cared nothing for his 
regiment. After a few weeks of training he has 
learned to value the opinions of himself which are 
held by his comrades. Within a few months he 
becomes not only willing but anxious to hazard his 
life for his regiment. At first the reflections of 86 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
himself that he saw in the eyes of his fellow 
“rookies” he scorned; but in a relatively short time 
he came to value these reflections above nearly all 
things else. 
College athletes explain that the reflection of 
themselves in the eyes of the spectator-crowd upon 
the bleachers is one of the most impelling factors 
in their achievements. To be elected to an honor 
society stimulates many pupils, not because of the 
actual benefit to be derived from the competitive 
processes but on account of the complimentary re- 
marks and the standing which the coveted honor 
gives, that is to say, because of the dazzling reflec- 
tions of oneself which the social mirrors present. 
A young man who does not approve of missions 
attends a church service in order to please a young 
lady who is interested in missionary enterprises. 
An offering for missions is to be taken. The first 
impulse of the young man is not to give. Then he 
thinks of the impression that his stingy self would 
make upon the young lady. Straightway he makes 
one of the largest subscriptions of the evening and 
takes pleasure in the reflection of his liberality 
which he beholds in the pleased countenance of the 
young woman at his side. 
“It was my social mirror self which manifested 
itself to me last Sabbath,” states a lady, “when I 
made my yearly pledge to the church. If I had 
made it by myself and sent it to the church treas- SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
87 
urer, I would have lowered, in view of my present 
circumstances, the amount which I gave last year. 
But I was called upon by two prominent members 
of the church, and wishing to see a generous self 
reflected back to me from their eyes, I increased 
my annual pledge.” 
A business man boasts of a shrewd transaction 
to a friend whom he knows will approve of such a 
proceeding. When he is talking with another friend, 
who holds higher social principles, he refrains from 
mentioning the questionable action. In the first 
instance the reflection of himself as a shrewd busi- 
ness man was favorable; in the latter case it would 
have been unfavorable: in both cases he was guided 
by his social mirror self. 
A politician will spend large sums of money on 
philanthropic enterprises. By so doing he sets up 
favorable impressions of himself in the minds of his 
townspeople. Later he will utilize these impressions 
in his campaign for votes. 
An American abroad tries to do in Rome as the 
Romans do. By such actions he receives better 
reflections of himself than would otherwise be the 
case. A wide-awake immigrant in the United States 
quickly adopts American ways—impelled by his 
social mirror self. 
“As a child of five, I became acquainted in the 
kindergarten with a colored boy,” states a public 
school teacher. “Our friendship grew rapidly. I 88 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
admired the black face and the small, tight curls. 
One day my father laughed heartily at me when he 
saw me with my colored playmate. I felt hurt, and 
thereafter avoided the colored boy, not through race 
prejudice on my part, but through the unpleasant 
reflection in my father’s eyes of my association with 
the Negro child.” 
The self respect of an individual often depends 
on maintaining the respect of other people. If he 
loses the esteem of his friends, he is likely to lose his 
own self respect. “I would enjoy riding a bicycle,” 
says a middle-aged woman, “but the impression 
that I should make upon my friends would be un- 
favorable and hence I abstain.” And for the same 
reason a child in school often will study in order to 
recite well. He is not guided by his desire to learn 
so much as by the desire to maintain a worthy opin- 
ion of himself in the judgments of his classmates. 
Likewise, the growing adolescent who suddenly be- 
comes interested in the cleanliness of his neck and 
ears is endeavoring to maintain or improve his 
standing in the eyes of a young girl. His mood 
changes from dejection to hilarity as the reflection 
of himself in her eyes changes from unworthy to 
worthv. 
J 
“At the age of ten,” a young man relates, “I 
found myself considered the black sheep of the fam- 
ily. Because of this reputation, other boys envied 
me. Even my elders sometimes made complimen- SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
89 
tary remarks about my startling conduct. On more 
than one occasion I overheard my parents describe 
my pranks to their friends, and then I would hear 
them all laugh loudly, and I would swell with pride. 
Many references were made to my actions in a more 
or less approving way. From these experiences I 
gained favorable impressions of my black-sheep self. 
My roguishness was stimulated by hearing such ex- 
pressions as, ‘Oh! isn’t he a clever rascal!’ Conse- 
quently, I began deliberately to act the part of a 
black sheep; and some of the things which I did 
would not read well here. I was saved from going 
to the dogs because our family (a minister’s family) 
moved to another town where my friends—espe- 
cially one girl friend—did not consider that a black 
sheep should be envied. The reflection of my dare- 
devil self no longer had a halo around it, and I 
changed.” 
“When I was asked to give an illustration of my 
social mirror self,” reports a student, “I chose the 
best example of which I could think. When I was 
trying to decide whether or not to use this particu- 
lar illustration, it occurred to me that the only rea- 
son I was unwilling to use it was because of the un- 
favorable reflection of myself which it would pro- 
duce in the mind of my instructor. Hence in the 
very process of choosing an illustration, the social 
mirror self had interfered.” 
The development of character depends upon the 90 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
nature of the social mirrors which surround the in- 
dividual. A growing, active-minded, or sensitive 
child is particularly affected by the reflection of his 
acts which he sees in the human mirrors about him. 
If a bad act or a good act is reflected favorably to 
him, he is likely to repeat it until it becomes a habit. 
Similarly, although at times in a lesser degree, the 
individual is affected throughout life. 
The individual continually experiences a conflict 
of socially reflected “selves.” He cares more for the 
reflections of himself which he receives from his 
friends than from strangers or enemies, and from 
his dearest friends than from casual friends. For 
this reason he shows as a rule his best nature to his 
friends and his worst nature to his enemies and is 
careless about the impressions which he makes upon 
strangers. For this reason, also, he commonly is 
more subject to suggestions which come from 
friends than to those which emanate from enemies. 
The individual is affected most by the reflections 
of himself which emanate from those who are like- 
minded. It was this which Hume doubtless had in 
mind when he said: “The praises of others never 
give us as much pleasure unless they concur with 
our own opinion. . . A mere soldier little values 
the character of eloquence. . . Or a merchant, 
of learning.” The explanation of this statement is 
found in the fact that the soldier has superiors who 
belittle eloquence, and the merchant admires “cap- SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
91 
tains of industry,” whose love for the academic is 
not great. The first finds himself reprimanded for 
much speaking, and the latter discovers that he is 
held in derision for much theorizing. 
Groups, also, have their socially reflected behav- 
ior. The actions of groups are guided by social 
reflections. In the Declaration of Independence 
Jefferson wrote that “a decent respect to the opinion 
of mankind” required that our forefathers should 
make a statement of the causes which impelled them 
to revolt. At the beginning of the World War each 
large nation hastened to give its reasons for declar- 
ing war and tried to justify itself in the eyes of the 
world. 
The operation of the socially reflected self ex- 
plains partially the influence of the gang upon the 
boy, of the fraternity upon the student, of the after- 
noon bridge party upon the debutante, of the labor 
union upon the industrial neophyte, of the board 
of directors upon the foreman or the clerk, of any 
occupational group upon its members. To an amaz- 
ing degree the socially reflected self determines the 
direction of both individual and group change. 
4. Mirthful Behavior. At first thought the sub- 
ject of laughter does not seem to be serious enough 
to merit scientific discussion. It, however, is a phe- 
nomenon which manifests itself continually in so- 
cial interaction. Further, some of the world’s great- 
est thinkers have pondered over the causes of 
laughter. 92 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
According to Aristotle, comedy is an imitation of 
character, or characteristics, of a lower type than 
the imitator typifies. The laughable is something 
degrading in the object or person at which one 
laughs—this is known as the theory of degradation. 
Thomas Hobbes developed the theory of superior- 
ity. According to this conception one laughs be- 
cause of an expansion of feeling which is brought 
on through realizing his superiority over the person, 
or thing, or situation at which he laughs. Addison 
held that pride is the chief cause of laughter. 
Kant explained laughter on the basis of nullifi- 
cation of expectation, that is, laughter arises “from 
the sudden transformation of a strained expectation 
into nothing.” The theory of incongruity was ad- 
vanced by Schopenhauer. Laughter is caused by 
the sudden realization of an incongruity between a 
conception and the real object with which it is in 
some way connected. Herbert Spencer advanced 
the idea that laughter indicates an effort which sud- 
denly encounters a void. Sully8 states that laughter 
is due to a sudden release from a strained and tense 
situation. Bergson expresses the belief that laugh- 
ter is primarily caused by the appearance of me- 
chanical inelasticity in human life. These single 
theory explanations of laughter are enlightening, 
but partial and hence inadequate. The synthetic 
treatment of laughter which is given by Boris Sidis 
8 See Sully’s An Essay on Laughter, Bergson’s Laughter, and Sidis’ Psy- 
chology of Laughter for extended discussions. SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
93 
is stimulating and extensively illustrated but in- 
complete. 
The feeling of mirth as related to an elemental 
condition of laughter is an agreeable tone of con- 
sciousness. In this regard, Bergson seems to over- 
look an important factor, for he says that the ap- 
peal of laughter is to intelligence, pure and simple, 
and that “laughter is incompatible with emotion.”9 
It is true that laughter is incompatible with sorrow 
and as a rule with anger, but on the other hand it 
bubbles over naturally from the fountains of joy. 
In fact a feeling or emotional basis of pleasantness 
and agreeableness must exist before any situation 
appears humorous to an individual. 
In order to see the humorous side of life one must 
enjoy a fair degree of physical health and of mental 
exuberance. If he has suffered long hours of tedious 
labor without sleep, if he has been the victim of re- 
cent financial reverses, if loved ones are dangerous- 
ly ill, the mirthful self is likely to be quiescent. The 
play tendencies and the social spirit are funda- 
mental to the expression of mirth. It is from the 
most playful and exuberant hours of social interac- 
tion that the heartiest laughter breaks forth. 
Laughter is bom of social contacts. Whenever 
two or more persons who are kindred spirits are 
gathered together under agreeable circumstances, 
they are likely to burst out into laughter at any mo- 
* Laughter, pp. 5, 139. 94 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
ment. If a person who is alone is heard to laugh 
long and heartily he is at once interrogated, and if 
he repeats frequently the process, he is regarded 
with suspicion. Thus, the conditions precedent to 
laughter are an agreeable tone of the human organ- 
ism, physical, and mental health, circumstances fa- 
vorable to the individual, the play tendencies, and 
gregariousness. 
There are certain causal elements of laughter 
which are physical or psychological rather than so- 
cial psychological, such as physical tickling and re- 
lief from strained situations. The simplest of social 
psychological factors is group contagion. A child 
may laugh because he hears another child or adult 
laughing. A member of an adult group may laugh 
because he is unconsciously stimulated by the 
laughing of others. This type is a direct expression 
of sympathetic emotion. 
A member of a group will often laugh in order to 
seem interested in the story or incident that is re- 
lated. Even though the matter may not appeal to 
him as humorous, he participates in the laughter out 
of respect for the host or the speaker. 
Laughter sometimes results from the desire not 
to be conspicuous. The listener may fail to catch 
the point of a story, but joins in the group laughter. 
When other persons are enjoying apparently a 
choice bit of comedy, it often seems wiser to partic- 
ipate, even though the point has not been grasped, SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
95 
than to become conspicuous by appearing cold or 
stolid. 
Laughter is occasionally forced. An individual is 
insulted by a slighting remark. He does not want 
to recognize the incident, therefore he will parry the 
thrust by laughing. One may be asked an embar- 
rassing or impertinent question, but in order not to 
show his feelings in the presence of spectators, he 
will turn the matter aside with a laugh. The impli- 
cation is that the problem is not nearly as important 
as the questioner believes, or would have other peo- 
ple believe, and consequently the one who is ques- 
tioned is relieved of embarrassment or confusion. 
Laughter is sometimes utilized to cover pain. 
One’s pride may lead him to invoke a laughing 
mood. Pain is frequently camouflaged by laughter. 
Tears may be concealed by laughter. A four-year- 
old boy picked himself up after* a hard fall, rubbed 
his bleeding knee, and laughingly said: “Wasn’t 
that a joke on me?” 
Children, and some adults, will indulge in laugh- 
ter, in order to attract attention. The girl who 
laughs the loudest may be one who is wearing a 
bright new ribbon or the latest fad in sweaters, or 
the boy who laughs above the boisterous laughter of 
the gang may be a conscious candidate for hero 
worship. 
Persons are paid to make others laugh. They un- 
dergo periods of training in order to become skillful 96 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
in deliberately creating laughter. The professional 
reader, the platform lecturer upon humorous 
themes, and the actors in high-class comedies are 
usually constructive in their aims and results. Of 
all paid entertainers, the average vaudeville per- 
former or burlesque actor makes the crudest at- 
tempts. Plain silliness is preferable to the sexually 
suggestive jokes at which respectable people laugh 
when attending a musical comedy. 
Probably the most common cause of laughter is 
found in the incongruous actions of other individ- 
uals. A dog chases his tail, a boy with a basket of 
eggs falls down, a dignified man runs after his wind- 
blown hat—these are never-failing, mirth-provoking 
incongruities. The Charlie Chaplin films succeed 
because of the portrayal of incongruous movements, 
actions, and situations. 
The instructor in a history class noticed a student 
who was gazing out of the window and called upon 
her to recite. When he suddenly pronounced her 
name, “Miss Smith,” she cried out “Hello.” She 
had been startled from her day-dreaming, and her 
incongruous reply set the class into an uproar. The 
humor of A House-Boat on the Styx is partially due 
to the bringing together in time and place of famous 
characters with their widely divergent ways and ex- 
periences—the result is an incongruous juxtaposi- 
tion of events and personalities. 
In this connection Bergson has pointed out that SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
97 
incongruity consists frequently in mechanical move- 
ments or gestures where the naturally human is ex- 
pected. The comic physiognomy is essentially a 
mechanical facial gesture. The mechanical gesture 
of the hand of a public speaker upon repetition be- 
comes ludicrous. The dignified person who falls, 
falls hard, that is, mechanically. The goat who rears 
and butts whenever his forehead is pressed acts me- 
chanically—and hence comically. 
Then there are incongruous ideas which are com- 
mon causes of laughter. Some of these types of in- 
congruity in ideas have been analyzed by Boris Sid- 
is. (1) Illogical statements. Many of the “Pat 
and Mike” stories are of this character. Pat was 
breathlessly running along a country road in Ire- 
land one day when he was accosted by Mike who 
asked him why he was hurrying so fast. “I have a 
long way to go,” replied Pat, “and I want to get 
there before I am all tired out.” 
(2) Grammatical and rhetorical errors. Com- 
mon illustrations are found in the assertions of 
young children. For example: “Don’t unbusy me.” 
(3) Idiomatical and related mistakes. Children, 
foreigners, and uneducated persons are often the 
victims of the mistaken use of words and phrases. 
The foreigner in any land falls into countless mis- 
guided uses of a strange tongue. These errors are 
illustrated in the “Togo” stories by Wallace Irwin: 
“While I was setting pealing potatoes of suddenly 98 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
come Indiana yell befront my back while stool leg 
on which I was occupying flop uply so confusingly 
that I were deposed to floor with potatoes pouring 
over my brain.” 
(4) The play on words. When a Scotch regi- 
ment was marching to the front in France, a French 
soldier who was watching them said: “They can’t 
be men, for they wear skirts, and they can’t be 
women for they have moustaches.” “I have it,” 
said another poilu, “they’re that famous Middlesex 
regiment from London.” 
(5) Overstatement or understatement that is 
moderate and implied. Lying is not humorous. A 
House-Boat on the Styx affords many illustrations 
of overstatements. After careful calculation and 
patient waiting for thirteen days the hunter finds 
that the sixty-eight ducks he has been observing 
have formed in a straight line. The powder is mi- 
nutely estimated and a valuable pearl—since the 
marksman has no bullets—is used as the instru- 
ment of destruction. The sixty-eight ducks are 
killed. The pearl traveled through the bodies of 
sixty-seven and retained enough force to kill the 
sixty-eighth, in whose body it was found—and 
saved. 
(6) A sudden change from the serious to the 
trifling or ridiculous. Boris Sidis refers to “Pat” 
who was being upbraided for not being better edu- 
cated and who gave the following explanation: “I SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
99 
was a bright man at birth, but when I was a few 
days old, my nurse exchanged me for another baby 
who was a fool.” 
(7) Unintended suggestion. A church in a west- 
ern town must hold long services for it recently 
announced: “The regular services will commence 
next Sunday evening at 7 o’clock and continue un- 
til further notice.” 
To make fun of others constitutes an entirely dif- 
ferent set of causes of laughter. The group laughs 
at almost any mistake or idiosyncrasy of the indi- 
vidual. If the error is easily discernible, the group 
laughter may be spontaneous. If the mistake is 
deep-seated it may not be detected at once and sim- 
ultaneously, and the laughter of the group may be 
delayed. Sometimes the group is prejudiced against 
an individual, or it may even be organized to em- 
barrass him—and he becomes the victim of concert- 
ed, even of malicious, laughter. 
There is laughter which is simply ridicule—the 
individual is merely derided. There is laughter 
which is satirical ridicule and is caused usually by 
the employment of humorous exaggeration, al- 
though caustic elements may be used. There is the 
ironical laugh which is induced by covert satire. 
Then there is laughter which is purely and openly 
sarcastic, biting, and generally anti-social. Social 
ridicule of whatever degree is powerful because it di- 
rectly affects the socially reflected self. 100 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Social laughter is a corrective. It arouses fear, 
“restrains eccentricity,” and prevents the individual 
from becoming a stone hitching-post. Similarly, it 
prevents social groups from becoming mechanically 
inelastic. Group laughter compels the members to 
keep in touch with one another, and familiarizes 
them with the different points of view. In other 
words, the mirthful self is highly gregarious. When 
persons laugh together, they become better ac- 
quainted. Mirthfulness increases the social tone. 
Many a tense situation is relieved by a humorous 
turn. Laughter purifies, clarifies, socializes. 
On the other hand, mirthfulness individualizes. 
If one would voice a strange idea, he must brave so- 
cial laughter. From the opposite angle, the mirth- 
ful self is antagonistic to sympathy. If one puts 
himself completely in the place of another, he will 
rarely laugh at the other. Thus, mirthful conduct 
may be unsympathetic, impersonal, objective, and 
even individualizing. 
Mirthfulness is germane to success. Mirthful- 
ness builds up both the physical and mental nature 
of the individual. It shakes him up, stimulates him, 
and re-creates him. It sets his organism in tune, 
and enables him to laugh at his duller moments and 
his blunders. Progress has been made when one’s 
mirthful self habitually laughs at one’s defeated 
self. No national character in America has better 
exemplified this trait than did ex-president Taft. SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
101 
By this token one can “come back,” renew his men- 
tal youth, and multiply manifold his social use- 
fulness. 
5. Growth of Social Personality. The develop- 
ment of the self is surprisingly social. The con- 
sciousness of self arises when the individual is set 
off or sets himself off from other selves. It was this 
process which was first analyzed in an able way by 
J. Mark Baldwin.10 
To the infant everything is first of all objective. 
Even his fingers and toes seem to him to belong to 
an outside world. But when these fingers or toes 
are pinched or burned, they are given a self valua- 
tion by the owner. Through his experiences—chief- 
ly of suffering—the child learns to distinguish be- 
tween the ego and the alter and to set up a self- 
world in apposition to an others-world. 
The ego and the alter are not separate entities 
but opposite ends of the same pole of growth, i. e., 
of personality. With the growth of personality 
there always arises this bi-polarism. From one ex- 
tremity of the bi-polar being there emanates a rec- 
ognition of the ways in which oneself is different 
from other selves—individuality. From the other 
pole there springs a consciousness of the particulars 
in which one possesses kindred interests with others 
10 Social and Ethical Interpretations, Ch. I; also cj. C. H. Cooley 
Hunan Nature and the Social Order, Chs. I V VI. 102 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
—sociality. The interaction between the ego and 
the alter results in the growth of both. The process 
is one, and in the deepest sense the ego and the alter 
evolve constructively or destructively together. 
The social consciousness of the child arises simul- 
taneously with the development of his self con- 
sciousness. If it were not for the presence, activi- 
ties, and stimulations of others, his consciousness 
of self would remain undeveloped. The stimuli 
which call forth self consciousness are caused by the 
contacts of the individual with other persons. The 
degree to which self consciousness is developed de- 
pends upon the original store of self-assertive im- 
pulses and tendencies and upon the nature of the so- 
cial environment. If the original nature of the child 
bristles with aggressiveness, the impingement of the 
social environment will produce qualities of leader- 
ship in the individual, or may unfortunately lead to 
an exaggerated self-assertion and to continual exhi- 
bitions of contra-suggestion, of overbearing atti- 
tudes, and of a pugnacious disposition. 
At the time that the child is learning the meaning 
of life through his experiences, he is simultaneously 
reading those meanings into the activities of life. 
He projects himself and his experiences into the 
world of life about him—this is the projective phase 
of the self. The projection usually takes place along 
horizontal lines. The individual throws himself out 
along his occupational or friendship levels. In this SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
103 
way there is a marked tendency toward the growth 
of horizontal selves.11 
To the growing personality every new phenome- 
non of life is first objective and almost meaningless, 
then through experience life becomes subjective and 
full of significance, and finally projective and so- 
cial.12 The process is one of social self-develop- 
ment. It is in this fashion that one learns—through- 
out life. As long as phenomena are purely objec- 
tive to an adult, he can hardly comprehend them. 
Through experiencing them, they become subjec- 
tive, and highly so, if that experience involves suf- 
fering. Then, and then only, can one truly project 
his personality helpfully into the lives of others, 
then can one truly sympathize, then can one feel 
“the pulse of mankind.” 
6. Socialized Personality. The socialized person 
is an individual who has developed sets of well-bal- 
anced habits of responding constructively to social 
stimuli. As a new-born infant the individual is sub- 
ject to a variety of impulses which may become or- 
ganized into attitudes of unselfish response to envi- 
ronmental stimuli. Socialized conduct is that be- 
havior, as the writer has said elsewhere,13 which is 
habitually performed without thought of personal 
u Cf. the discussion of the linear self, flat self, vein self, star self, by 
E. A. Ross, American Jour, of Sociol., XXIV: 668 ff. 
12 Cf. the discussion of the social self by C. H. Cooley, Social Organiza- 
tion, Chs. I, II, and J. M. Baldwin, Social and Ethical Interpretations, 
Ch. I. 
11 “The Concept of Unselfish Service,” Jour, of Social Forces, I: 101. 104 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
gain. It involves thinking first of the welfare of 
other persons and only secondarily of one’s own 
welfare. It ranges from the simplest acts of kind- 
ness to elaborate forms of social telesis, reaching the 
high point of vicarious suffering, even of a Christ 
giving his life a ransom for many. 
A person may well distinguish between self re- 
spect and selfishness. Self respect includes the con- 
servation and the subsequent careful expenditure of 
one’s energies in behalf of public welfare; selfishness 
is the miserly hoarding of or the wasteful rioting 
with one’s energies in attempts to gratify primarily 
oneself. 
Conscience is an elusive but essential element in 
building a perfect personality. Although the psy- 
chologist has not yet given a satisfactory descrip- 
tion of conscience, it nevertheless exerts a tremen- 
dous power. Conscience is the most socialized na- 
ture passing judgment on all the lower levels of 
one’s nature. Since this highest plane is almost an 
ideal self, rarely realized at the time, it is often im- 
practical. One’s conscience, or the activities of one’s 
conscience, is measured at any particular moment 
by the distance which one’s ideal of social living has 
advanced beyond his actual living. When the indi- 
vidual complains that his conscience troubles him 
he ordinarily means that in some actual deed he has 
not lived the social vision that he sees. 
Socialized personality is to be sharply distin- SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
105 
guished from social personality. A swindler may 
have a social personality, in fact, must be at least 
superficially social in order to succeed at his 
“trade.” A debutante may have a social personal- 
ity, in fact always will have a social veneer as a 
prerequisite to becoming a member of a so-called 
social set. Social personality thus may be synony- 
mous with selfish wasteful living. The socialized 
person, on the other hand, not only serves but serves 
unselfishly and habitually, and the product is social- 
ized behavior. 
PROBLEMS 
1. Why are one’s sympathies more keen toward a fel- 
low countryman in a foreign country than when one is at 
home? 
2. Why is it not enough for a business man to be a sym- 
pathetic husband, parent, and neighbor? 
3. Why do children fear the dark? 
4. Explain: Only those succeed who worry. 
5. What is the chief social value of love? 
6. Can one love his neighbor at will? 
7. If one can not love his neighbor, what is the next 
best thing to do? 
8. What is the chief social value of hate? 
9. What is the chief social value in suffering? 
10. Is it true that friends are persons who have about the 
same sets of prejudices? 
11. What causes a little boy to become ashamed of wear- 
ing dresses? 106 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
12. Why is it easier to talk to one individual than to talk 
to fifteen? 
13. In what different ways does the social mirror self of 
the pupil affect his recitation in class? 
14. Are men or women more sensitive to their socially 
reflected selves? 
15. What is the chief cause of bashfulness? 
16. Is the gregarious instinct or the socially reflected self 
the greater factor in arousing the desire of a college girl “to 
make a sorority”? 
17. Are the wealthy or the poor more sensitive to their 
socially reflected selves? 
18. Would you have achieved much, if no one had ever 
expected anything of you? 
19. Why is it worth while to develop the habit of seeing 
the humorous side of life? 
20. What does Milton mean when he writes of “laughter 
holding both his sides” ? 
21. Why do we laugh at the incongruous or degrading 
experiences of others instead of feeling aggrieved? 
22. Why is a city dude in the country a mirth-producing 
object? 
23. Illustrate: Laughter kills innovations. 
24. How do you explain the statement that “the true 
hero is one who can ignore social laughter”? 
25. Why does the entrance of a dog into a lecture room 
filled with students produce laughter? 
26. Why is a trivial interruption that occurs during a 
prayer service often laughable?; 
27. Distinguish between humor and wit? 
28. Why are deaf people and not blind people used in 
comedies? 
29. What is the most common cause of laughter? SOCIAL PERSONALITY 
107 
30. What is the leading social value of laughter? 
31. Why is character socially essential? 
32. Are all dependable persons social? 
33. Are all social persons dependable? 
34. Why have not more socialized persons been devel- 
oped by our educational system in the United States? 
READINGS 
Baldwin, J. M., Social and Ethical Interpretations, Ch. XV. 
Ellwood, C. A., An Introduction to Social Psychology, Ch. 
IX. 
Follette, M. P., The New State, Ch. XI. 
Gault, R. H., Social Psychology, Chs. II, III. 
Kropotkin, P., Mutual Aid; a Factor in Evolution. 
McDougall, Wm., An Introduction to Social Psychology, 
Sec. II. 
Patrick, G. T. W., The Psychology of Relaxation, Chs. II-IV. 
Trotter, W., The Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War, pp. 
23-66, 101-213. 
Veblen, Thorstein, The Instinct of Workmanship. Chapter IV 
SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
1. Suggestion. Suggestion and imitation are 
different aspects of the same phenomenon. Sugges- 
tion is the initiating part and imitation is the result- 
ant phase. Suggestion is that part of the process 
whereby action-patterns or ideas are set forth, and 
imitation refers to the copying of actions or actions 
and carrying them out more or less immediately in 
a relatively unchanged form. The entire process 
constitutes a suggestion-imitation phenomenon. 
Suggestion utilizes habit mechanisms. Any ap- 
peal to these tends to produce an automatic re- 
sponse. If some one merely mentions apple pie, 
even between meals, I am quite certain to feel hun- 
gry for apple pie. If some one casually refers to a 
baseball game that is in progress near by while I am 
writing these lines, I shall find myself unconsciously 
laying1 aside the pen and looking for my cap. Fur- 
thermore, I will go to the game if there are no seri- 
ously inhibiting impulses, either instinctive, habit- 
ual, or conscious. 
Suggestion is direct or indirect. If direct, it 
usually comes in the form of a command, and with SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
109 
prestige or authority. It is illustrated by the pa- 
rental command to the child who promptly obeys, 
by the priestly injunction to the worshipper, by the 
officer’s orders to the private, by the hypnotist’s 
command to his subject. Hypnotism affords a pro- 
ductive field for the study of direct suggestion, but 
comes within the purview of abnormal psychology 
and not of social psychology. As a social phenome- 
non it is as yet not sufficiently understood to be 
commended as useful. Under present conditions, 
the specially trained psychologist is the only person 
who is entitled to use hypnotism. 
Indirect suggestion operates unrecognized by the 
subject. It has been described aptly by E. A. Ross 
as “slantwise” suggestion and as representing a 
flank movement, rather than a frontal attack as in 
the case of direct suggestion.1 The adult mind is 
frequently more apt to be influenced by this method 
than by any other. The average child, on the other 
hand, responds more or less readily to both direct 
and indirect suggestion. The distinction between 
these two classes of suggestion is simply in the way 
in which the suggested idea gains entrance to the 
mind. 
The illustrations of the constructive use of indi- 
rect suggestion are manifold. “When I wish my 
young brother on the opposite side of the dining- 
room table to sit up straight,” says a young lady, 
1 Social Psychology, Ch. II. 110 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
“I straighten up suddenly myself, without com- 
ment, without interrupting the conversation, and 
without even glancing at my brother, and he inva- 
riably responds.” This simple case illustrates a 
far-reaching application of the principle of indirect 
suggestion in exerting a constructive moral influ- 
ence upon others. Many teachers and parents nag, 
scold, and order, “Don’t do this,” or “Don’t do 
that,” and children react contrarily. Other teach- 
ers and parents set one moral example after another 
in a straightforward way, and children are attracted 
and try to follow the steady, strong pace. Didactic 
moralizing is often ineffective because it centers at- 
tention upon forbidden conduct, whereas a striking 
moral example makes an appeal to the heroic im- 
pulses and to love of action. 
Boys often wield a strong influence over their 
younger comrades by indirect suggestion. Mark 
Twain has revealed this situation perfectly. For ex- 
ample, Tom Sawyer has the unpleasant, irksome 
job of whitewashing a fence. When a boy friend 
passes, Tom boasts of his ability to whitewash and 
deliberately daubs the fence. The sight causes the 
newcomer to challenge Tom, to seize the brush, and 
to exhibit his own skill. By this process the fence 
is whitewashed—with Tom looking on all the while. 
Tom had “elevated fence painting to the rank of the 
most popular sport in the home town,” and on a day 
when fishing and swimming had been scheduled. SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
111 
Illegitimate use of indirect suggestion is often 
made by politicians. The public needs continually 
to safeguard itself against the indirect suggestion 
that is resorted to by demagogues. In a certain city 
the people were asked to vote bonds to construct an 
aqueduct. For some time before the election day 
there was much said in the newspapers about the 
shortage of water supply for the city, and finally 
rigid regulations were made concerning the use of 
the water. The people became scared and voted the 
bonds, but after the election, the rigid water regu- 
lations were rescinded, even though the additional 
water supply would not be available for years. 
Insinuation is a highly intellectualized form of 
indirect suggestion. It may easily become exceed- 
ingly dangerous, because it stimulates the imagina- 
tion. If in recommending a young person for a 
position, I conservatively say that the young man 
will do fairly well, the imagination of the employer 
immediately suggests several possible weaknesses of 
the candidate, rather than one, and that perhaps 
more or less negligible. By the use of the word 
“fairly” I arrest the attention of the employer, and 
his imagination at once is likely to do the young 
man injustice. Consequently, if I use the term 
“fairly,” I must explain why or the insinuation will 
unjustly wreck the chances of my friend. 
Another set of terms, namely, immediate, medi- 
ate, and contra-suggestion has been used by Sidis, 112 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
and indicates the ways in which direct and indirect 
suggestions are translated into action.2 If a sug- 
gested idea is acted upon promptly and in line with 
its impulses, the phenomenon is immediate sugges- 
tion. If time elapses and modifications occur, the 
type is called mediate suggestion. Some persons 
and many children respond in an opposite way to 
that which is suggested, and illustrate contra-sug- 
gestion. Contra-suggestion is born usually of an 
exaggerated sense of individuality, and of inade- 
quate opportunity to learn the lessons of social co- 
operation. 
2. Suggestibility. Suggestibility is a fluctuating 
state of organic responsiveness to stimuli. Normal 
suggestibility includes fixation of attention, elimi- 
nation of inhibitory impulses, and immediate or me- 
diate consummation. Abnormal suggestibility, 
which is the state of hysteria or, of hypnotism, is a 
condition in which the subject, within instinctive 
and habitual limits, is completely a slave to the will 
of the operator. Suggestibility is an index to imi- 
tation. Suggestion is a process of sending out stim- 
uli ; suggestibility, a state of responsiveness to them; 
and imitation, the process of actual responding. 
The variations of suggestibility have been noted by 
many writers, chiefly Ross3 and McDougall.4 
2 The Psychology of Suggestion, p. 23. 
* Social Psychology, Ch. VII. 
* An Introduction to Social Psychology, Ch. IV. SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
113 
(1) Suggestibility depends upon the degree of 
gregariousness. Animals which live in flocks or 
herds are more suggestible than those which forage 
alone—compare the suggestibility of the sheep with 
the tiger. Since man is highly gregarious, his sug- 
gestibility is very pronounced. 
(2) Suggestibility depends upon racial nature. 
Southern races are more suggestible than Northern; 
Italians, than English. A hot climate makes sug- 
gestible peoples while a frigid habitat keeps the 
feelings calm, and suggestibility low. 
(3) Suggestibility depends upon temperament. 
The emotional and nervous are more suggestible 
than the phlegmatic. Because of their slower reac- 
tion time, the latter are enabled to profit by the time 
elements which usually undermine suggestibility. 
He who bides his time is commonly more calculat- 
ing than suggestible. 
(4) Suggestibility depends upon sex. The au- 
thorities are generally agreed that men are less sug- 
gestible than women, but nearly all the authorities 
on the subject are men. It would be interesting to 
learn the findings of women investigators. Accord- 
ing to the available data, women as a class have not 
had as wide a range of experience as men. As a re- 
sult women are not able to bring to bear as manv 
controls upon a variety of suggestions as do men. 
On the other hand, in times of financial craze 
men go wild in their desires to invest hard-earned 114 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
savings of themselves and their wives. Who is more 
suggestible than men in the minutes when millions 
are being made or lost in the stock-market? In such 
cases the wife is often the cooler-headed. Men fall 
before the suggestibility of a gambling table, but 
how many wage-earning women gamble their 
money away on pay-night? 
(5) Suggestibility depends on age. The young 
as a rule are more suggestible than the old. The 
child and adolescent are lacking in organized 
knowledge with which to face suggestions. Con- 
sequently they are more suggestible than individ- 
uals of experience, travel, and organized informa- 
tion upon many subjects. 
(6) Suggestibility depends on degree of fatigue. 
The fatigue toxins which circulate through the sys- 
tem dull the brain centers and decrease the ability 
to make rational judgments. A person is more sug- 
gestible in tired than in refreshened hours. Sugges- 
tibility increases with fatigue. 
(7) Suggestibility depends on lack of organized 
knowledge. He who has a complete fund of organ- 
ized facts drawn from all phases of a given field, will 
not be suggestible in that connection, although he 
may be very suggestible in other matters upon 
which he is not thoroughly informed. Suggestibil- 
ity decreases in proportion to the increase of organ- 
ized knowledge. 
(8) Suggestibility depends on the prestige of the SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
115 
sources of suggestion. The average person is very 
suggestible in the presence of a leading authority. 
Unfortunately, an individual with prestige is ac- 
cepted as an authority by many persons on a large 
number of topics outside: his field of deserved pres- 
tige. What the “mayor” or the “bishop” says on 
subjects far removed from the fields of politics and 
religion is accepted without question by the victims 
of prestige suggestion. Prestige slows up the proc- 
esses of reason. 
(9) Suggestibility depends upon the degree of 
crowd or group emotion that prevails. In a large 
crowd it is natural to feel insignificant and to act 
with the crowd rather than to follow the mandate of 
cognition. In fact, cognition may be prevented. 
Group emotion sways all excepting the most intel- 
lectually stubborn. 
The least degree of suggestibility is found in the 
person of well-organized habits, of a vast range of 
organized experiences and systematized knowledge 
which he habitually turns upon the given sugges- 
tion. But not all suggestions are harmful. To scru- 
tinize a suggestion may prove its worth and its ac- 
ceptability. All suggestions should be examined as 
coolly and thoroughly as possible and rejected if 
found of doubtful value, or accepted if meritorious 
—and spread. 
It is possible to think overmuch of certain fears 
and die of auto-suggestion, or to concentrate on cer- 116 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
tain constructive ideas and save oneself from de- 
struction. Sickness or health, pessimism or opti- 
mism can at times be explained in terms of auto- 
suggestion. 
Suggestion is a powerful agent of either social 
construction or destruction. Society can use it to 
build itself into an autocratic or a democratic state. 
Through its educators society can indoctrinate little 
children with almost any set of ideas that is desired. 
The power of advertisers or demagogues is puny in 
comparison with that of the educators of children— 
for in the last instance suggestibility is at the flood 
tide. 
3. Imitation. Imitation is the copying of an act 
or idea. It is the motor part of the suggestion-imi- 
tation process. Certain so-called imitative acts are 
simply a phase of communication or language. The 
boy who clenches his fist when he meets the clenched 
fist of another boy is not imitating the act of the 
second youth, but is simply making an appropriate 
response. The suitable response which is called 
forth happens to resemble the combative attitude 
but is not an imitation thereof. 
Unconscious and conscious imitation are the 
counterparts of indirect and direct suggestion re- 
spectively. Unconscious imitation is usually pre- 
ceded by indirect suggestion, while conscious imita- 
tion is induced by direct suggestion. 
Actions are more easily imitated than ideas; SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
117 
they are especially subject to unconscious imitation. 
When attention is centered on the conversation of 
an1 individual, one is unconsciously prone in reply- 
ing to copy the gestures and mannerisms of the 
speaker. Gestures are so subject to unconscious 
imitation that they spread rapidly and may become 
even nationally common. The child is prone to 
copy irrationally the striking, spectacular actions of 
others. In this way, the motion picture that por- 
trays stealing, burglary, sex coarseness has a harm- 
ful effect upon the adolescent. “Haven’t you no- 
ticed that a crime that is pictured in the ‘movies’ is 
usually punished before the film is ended?” a young 
delinquent was asked who attributed his downfall 
to the motion picture. “Oh! yes,” he replied, “but 
after I get the idea of how to commit a daring act 
(from the ‘movie’), I always am willing to take a 
chance that I won’t get caught.” 
Conscious imitation operates in any field directly 
in proportion to the alleged superiority and inverse- 
ly in proportion to the social distance of the action 
or idea that receives attention. The chief elements 
in this fundamental law of conscious imitation have 
been described at length by Tarde and Ross. The 
parent is imitated by the child; the bishop, by the 
young preacher; the scientist, by the laboratory as- 
sistant. Society women are the idols of debutantes, 
who in turn dazzle the “sub-debs.” Charlie Chaplin 
has a clientele of ambitious imitators. City people 118 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
are copied by rural folk. Tha colleya upparclaw 
men set the pace for the freshmen. “Courtesy comes 
from the court.” In other words, there is “a descent 
of example.” 
Alleged rather than real superiority is often the 
real magnetic factor. Real prestige is not distin- 
guished from acquired prestige. Although the for- 
mer is based on worth of personality and the latter 
upon extraneous factors, such as name, fortune, 
and mere reputation, the latter is as powerful in in- 
fluencing the populace as the former. Even rational 
imitators are frequently blinded and misled by a 
meteoric glare. An alleged brilliant idea will imme- 
diately attract a following and may gather great 
force. The hereditary rich have said that to inherit 
vast wealth is the greatest thing in the world. They 
have acted as if working for a livelihood is a servile 
status. Their theory is that “life-long loafing is 
more worthy of respect than life-long industry,” or 
that persons who have to work are “miserable 
boobs.” As Ross has pointed out, the nine-tenths 
in any society who work have allowed the one-tenth 
who are born rich to persuade them that they are 
despicable because they work. An abominable idea 
which has been promulgated by an alleged superior 
class has been accepted by the real superior class. 
The greater the superiority, real or alleged, the 
greater the power to produce imitation. The colonel 
steps aside when the general appears. All eyes turn 
from the governor when the presidential car arrives. SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
119 
The greater the mental and social proximity, the 
greater the imitation. Lawyers imitate eminent ju- 
rists, but turn their backs upon distinguished poets. 
We imitate most largely within our own fields of 
interest. The chief exception to this corollary of 
conscious imitation is that too close proximity may 
produce too great familiarity, with a resultant de- 
cline in imitation. But the elemental law of imita- 
tion -is that the higher in prestige—either real or 
false—is imitated by the lower. 
There are cases, however, in connection with un- 
conscious imitation, where the inferior are imitated 
by the superior, e. g., the softening of the consonants 
and the opening of the vowels by Southern white 
people in unconscious imitation of the Negro.5 The 
lady of culture may temporarily adopt a passing fad. 
The worthy congressman may use a cheap, trans- 
parent trick of the professional campaigner. 
Nothing is imitated exactly according to copy, 
because of the individual equation of the imitator 
and of the changes that have occurred in the social 
situation. “Platonism produced no other Plato: 
Christianity yields no other Jesus nor Paul.”6 Ev- 
ery imitator is at the same time an inventor, and 
every inventor is also an imitator. Since individ- 
uality always colors or shapes every imitation, it is 
rarely pure imitation, but also invention—invention 
8 E. A. Ross, Social Psychology, p. 150. 
* W. E. Hocking, Human Nature and Its Remaking, p. 250. 120 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
often of poor grade. Witness the difficulty of the 
child in learning to write well—how hard it is for 
him to copy good writing. 
Imitation is primarily a conserving factor in so- 
ciety. It secures the continuance of established 
ways of doing, and also, of new methods. Lincoln 
generalizes upon the subject of democracy, and 
through imitation that theme passes from individ- 
ual to individual, from page to page, decade to dec- 
ade, race to race—and it is preserved. In 1876, 
Alexander Bell invented the telephone, which 
through imitation has become almost universal in 
middle and upper class homes. Unknown inventors 
produced Arabic numerals, which through imita- 
tion have been thoroughly adopted throughout Oc- 
cidental civilization. 
Imitation assumes three main forms of social ex- 
pression. (1) Fashion imitation is competitive im- 
itation of the new and current. It manifests special 
characteristics such as the fad and the craze. (2) 
Convention imitation is non-competitive copying of 
the formal. (3) Custom imitation is the imitation 
of established and ancestral ideas and methods. 
When put to the test of service, every imitation 
falls into one of three classes—irrational, rational, 
or socio-rational. Many customs, but a smaller per- 
centage of conventions and of fashions, can pass the 
test of serviceability. Upon careful scrutiny many 
so-called rational imitations are found to be useful SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
121 
only within a small range or to a class of people, and 
harmful, dangerous, or even destructive outside 
these limits. Socio-rational imitations are not only 
useful within narrow social confines, but are helpful 
throughout the range of their influence. 
4. Fashion Imitation. A fashion is a new way 
of acting or thinking which only a small percentage 
of the group has been able to choose because of the 
attendant competition and other limitations. The 
field of fashion ranges all the way from breakfast 
foods or styles of dress to philosophic theories. If 
markedly different from the conventional and cus- 
tomary, a fashion is classified as freakish. If it is 
adopted somewhat generally for a period of time, 
the competitive elements tend to disappear, and it 
becomes a convention. If it proves widely useful 
and stands the test of time it becomes a custom. 
Herein are the bases of fashion imitation, conven- 
tion imitation, and custom imitation. 
The social psychology of fashion reveals at least 
eleven different elements.7 (1) There is the imita- 
tion process itself through which fashion becomes 
current. By imitating the example of others, the 
individual follows in the path along which others 
are going; his interest' in social adaptation is satis- 
fied ; and union with other individuals of his class is 
established.8 The forces of unconscious and con- 
7 Some of these factors have been presented by Ross in his Social Psy- 
chology, Ch. VI, and in unpublished lectures. 122 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
scious imitation lead one easily and often against 
his common sense to adopt the prevailing fashion. 
(2) Invention is a necessary fashion antecedent. 
Without invention there would be no new things to 
imitate and to become fashionable. Every epoch 
of fashion imitation is also a period of invention. It 
is true that many inventions do not extend very far 
beneath the surface and consequently are often 
worse than useless. But out of much inventing, 
an occasional invention will prove valuable, and 
through the sifting processes of time will become 
separated from the passing fashions of the day and 
receive permanent adoption. 
(3) Fashion thrives upon novelty. In those 
countries, of course, where customs are worshipped, 
the novel gains prestige with difficulty. But where 
fashion imitation has gained standing, the prestige 
of the new takes on an unwarranted glamor. The 
importance that is attached to the new increases 
concomitantly with the development of fashion imi- 
tation itself—one movement accelerates the other. 
The fad is based on something conspicuously new 
and having a semblance of attractiveness, and be- 
cause of the prestige which is accorded to novelty 
and to superficial attractiveness, people adopt the 
innovation, without considering its worth. Any 
fashion of the hour that is based on novelty will 
serve as an example of fad. 
8 Georg Simmel, “Fashion,” International Quarterly, X:133 ff. Cf. Tarde, 
Laws of Imitation, pp. 244 ff. SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
123 
Eveiy urban community in our country at any 
time harbors several fads, ranging from purely local 
interest to nation-wide appeal. But groups are ex- 
ceedingly fickle in their courtship of fads. One 
month popularity may center upon carrying of kew- 
pies upon automobiles; a few months later kewpies 
will be displaced by the American flag, and then by 
Allied flags; shortly all have disappeared. The 
Charlie Chaplin fads have passed in waves over the 
country, rivalled only by Mary Pickford curls, and 
jokes on the Ford. 
(4) Fashion thrives upon the spectacular. Bril- 
liancy, high lights, flash and fire—these are conspir- 
ators with fashion, because they give prestige in 
the eyes of many, because they attract widespread 
attention of the whole multitude. When the hat 
with peacock plumage passes down the aisle there is 
a craning of all necks and a whispering of tongues, 
wise and silly. Sensationalism in fashion also gives 
individuality and distinction—the value of which is 
overestimated by the sensationalist. The preacher 
with the spectacular methods captures the crowds 
and personal distinction. 
(5) Fashion is promoted by excitement as in 
the case of crazes. Under the spell of a craze peo- 
ple will temporarily adopt almost any irrational 
scheme. If the necessary excitement can be created, 
the result in terms of imitation can be predicted 
with a fair degree of accuracy. Financial specula- 124 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
tion has been perhaps the chief field of crazes. At 
this writing the morning newspaper on my desk 
contains several quarter-page advertisements of oil 
wells that “are about to produce.” I notice that 
these oil wells are more than a thousand miles dis- 
tant—where I cannot investigate them—and that 
the drills are going down and the prices of shares 
are rapidly rising. Within ten days the price of a 
share of stock will positively go up from three to 
five cents or from fifteen to one hundred dollars. In 
fact, I am told that a gusher may be struck at any 
moment, in which case the value of stocks will in- 
crease beyond the most generous anticipations and 
I, if I own sufficient shares, will find myself a mil- 
lionaire. The very prospect excites me. Then I re- 
member how many drills have gone down without 
reaching oil, how many persons have invested their 
money in oil and lost, how little I really know about 
the proposed investment,—and then my excitement 
passes and I continue with the writing of this 
chapter. 
Excitement breeds crazes, not only in the finan- 
cial world of speculation, but in other phases of life, 
particularly the religious. As the greatest financial 
craze perhaps was that which occurred about 1720, 
when the slow-moving, conservative English mind 
was seized with the excitement attendant upon the 
financial prospects of the South Sea Company, so 
the greatest religious craze was probably that SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
125 
known as Millerism, which developed in the United 
States between 1840 and 1845. William Miller went 
about preaching the end of the world. As a result 
of a large number of addresses, he secured thou- 
sands of followers who, upon the appointed day, 
donned their ascension robes and went out into the 
open fields. Although the end of the world did not 
come at the appointed time, a new date was set and 
the undaunted followers of William Miller in- 
creased in numbers. 
The “pogroms” in Russian Poland under the re- 
gime of the Czars also illustrate crazes. The peas- 
ants become frantic under the extortions of the 
Jews, who in turn have been compelled to pay large 
sums of money regularly to the Russian authorities 
for relatively meager privileges. In blind rage a 
“pogrom” is started. Often aroused against the 
Jews by the Russian authorities and instigated in 
part by the Church, the peasants start to wreak ven- 
geance upon the Jews, the class directly above them, 
and who they are easily led to believe are the cause 
of all the harsh conditions of peasant life. But the 
“pogrom” does not stop with destruction of prop- 
erty. The frenzied peasant-mobs tear helpless chil- 
dren from helpless parents and brutally slay them 
before the eyes of those parents. The aged are mer- 
cilessly tortured and then killed. The excitement 
spreads from village to village, and then after a few 
days subsides, and the peasants return to their ac- 126 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
customed tasks, without having improved their con- 
ditions in the slightest. 
(6) Fashion appeals to freedom. The cry of ev- 
ery new political party is: Be free from the “bosses” 
of the old parties. The new religious sect sends out 
the invitation: Come out from the yoke of past re- 
ligious dogmatism. Every economic panacea flings 
out the banner: Free yourself from the slavery of 
the industrial master class. The call to freedom 
which new movements of all types use in order to 
win the populace makes a fundamental appeal to 
the individualistic impulses of human nature. So 
strong is this pull that people rush to the support of 
this or that propaganda without carefully examin- 
ing its intrinsic nature. The call to be free from old 
inconveniences or slaveries prevents people from 
seeing the yokes of serfdom which may be hidden in 
the new. 
(7) Another element is the desire for individ- 
ual differentiation. The desire to give oneself an in- 
dividual stamp and the impulses toward variation 
and social contrast are gratified through fashions. 
A new mode, especially in dress, which permits end- 
less slight variations is at once at a premium. No 
one wishes to be considered mediocre or like the 
average. Everyone believes himself to be different 
from the mass, and fashion enables him to flatter 
this belief. Fashion is used to gain for oneself the 
appearance, although not the reality, of genuine in- SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
127 
dividuality. A shrewd observer has remarked that 
it is feathers which set off peacocks, turkeys, pheas- 
ants, and grouse from one another, and that with- 
out the differentiating feathers, these birds would 
present a similar appearance. It is erroneously as- 
sumed that the adoption of a fashion automatically 
raises one to a higher social plane than that occu- 
pied by non-conformers. 
Fashion not only unites, but it separates. It sat- 
isfies at one and the same time the demand for uni- 
ty and for segregation. It meets simultaneously 
the needs of class unity and of individual distinc- 
tion. Fashion inequality often defies democracy. 
When social status is determined by one’s ability to 
waste money on expensive and useless fashions, de- 
mocracy is undermined and patriotism is chal- 
lenged. In another way fashion imitation enables 
the lower classes to imitate closely the higher 
groups, and to approach them in appearance. Fash- 
ion imitation is a leveller-up, and hence to a degree 
democratising. Even subject peoples rise through 
imitation, chiefly fashion, toward the levels of their 
ruling-nations. 
(8) The individual is frequently drawn into the 
fashion vortex through the fear of social disapproval 
if he does not conform. Large numbers of people 
remonstrate against a new fashion, but presently 
they are seen to have adopted it—because of social 
pressure unwisely exerted. It is now an axiom 128 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
among many persons that one might as well be out 
of the world as out of fashion. This pressure is es- 
pecially powerful upon women in matters of dress. 
Men continually feel and give in to its force. 
(8) Reputability furthers fashion. The current 
knowledge that people are imitating a new style, or 
are ready to do so, gives the fashion a first-class en- 
dorsement. Many fashions live for a time entirely 
upon reputation and prestige. The fact that one’s 
acquaintances have endorsed or adopted a new idea 
implies that this idea must have worth. When a 
petition is presented for my signature, I will sign 
more readily if the names of some of my friends are 
already attached. The larger the number of such 
names upon the list, the more readily do I add my 
name. Each of my acquaintances, however, may 
have signed the petition because some one else had 
done so, and the first signer may have been moved 
merely by the importunity of the bearer of the pe- 
tition, through misunderstanding, or by purely per- 
sonal or selfish motives! 
(10) The commercialized activities of design- 
ers and promoters strengthen the reign of fashion. 
There are people who have become expert in creat- 
ing new styles which appeal to the fashion pace- 
setters and clientele. Before one style has been put 
on the market, others in the same commercial field 
are being designed. SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
129 
Then there are the professionals who work in con- 
junction with the fashion designers and whose bus- 
iness it is to create wants—both false and true— 
that will drive people to buy the new fashions which 
the designers have prepared. Many advertisements 
and fashion shows produce a wasteful, competitive 
consumption of goods. Fashion shows also, stimu- 
late many people to buy beyond their means and 
thus undermine thrift. Fashion shows create unsat- 
isfied and unsatisfiable wants in the minds of the 
less fortunate classes. The worthy and unworthy 
alike, where economic tension exists, are made dis- 
satisfied to an uncontrollable degree. The walking 
fashion plates are a chief cause of the spirit of Bol- 
shevism. A ten thousand dollar motor car is hand- 
some and elegant, but creates social unrest wherever 
it moves. 
The professional promoter of fashion must suc- 
ceed in creating an atmosphere of expectancy and 
of favorable anticipation among the people who can 
afford to buy and also among those persons in the 
class just below those who are financially able. For 
this reason, the professionalist often uses the serial, 
accumulative advertisement—and the unsuspecting 
public unconsciously begins a campaign of talk and 
of publicity in behalf of the new mode that is about 
to appear. 
The stimulations of fashion enthusiasts increase 
fashion imitation. The vicious circle of fashion im- 130 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
itation should be thoroughly understood by all the 
devotees of fashion. The pace-setter9 leads off with 
a new style in a given field. Other persons imme- 
diately follow—in order to be taken for the pace- 
setter and to share in his prestige. Still others copy 
—in order not to be conspicuous. As soon as the 
mode becomes somewhat widely adopted, the orig- 
inators of it and the pace-setters devise and intro- 
duce a new style by definitely modifying the initial 
fashion or by turning to an opposite extreme. They 
set the pace in a new direction, and immediately 
discard the original fashion. In this manner fash- 
ion imitation acquires a faster and faster speed. 
The pace-followers try to overtake the pace-setters, 
while the latter wildly seek a new style in order to 
“sidestep” the pursuing multitude. To this process, 
which always assumes insane and wasteful propor- 
tions, Ross has applied the term, “social racing.” 
Perhaps “fashion racing” would be more accurate. 
The high cost of living is partly due to fashion rac- 
ing. Many articles that people buy are purchased, 
not because they are needed or because they are 
beautiful, but because neighbors or friends own sim- 
ilar fashionable goods. Fashion racing with its 
process of endless counter stimulations unduly ac- 
centuates fashion. 
(11) The spirit of progress gives life to fashion. 
Progressiveness is willingness to take chances with 
* See the discussion by Ross, Social Psychology, pp. 99, 103. SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
131 
a new idea or method. Progressiveness expects that 
some new methods will prove useless, but in order 
to discover worth-while inventions, it will take wide 
risks. Because of this risk-taking on the part of 
progressiveness, many fashions secure patronage. 
The social psychology of dress and clothing 
throws additional light on the nature of fashion imi- 
tation. Among animals passive adaptation results 
in the growth of feathers, fur, or other protective 
covering of the body. Protection is the primary 
need which clothing serves. 
Sex differentiation, for example, in the feathers 
of birds, indicates another purpose of body cover- 
ing—adornment. The female bird chooses her 
mate. The males with the most beautiful plumage 
and the singing voice are chosen. Males without 
feathers that are resplendent possess less chance of 
sex selection, fail to reproduce, and die out. 
At the beginning of the human scale clothing 
serves the same two purposes as among the higher 
animals—protection and sex-ornamentation. Pas- 
sive adaptation is partially supplanted by active 
adaptation, and natural feathers and fur are dis- 
placed by clothing that is made from the skins and 
furs of animals and from fibrous plants. Feathers 
are artificially used for sex and prestige ornamenta- 
tion. The male, who is chosen by the female, re- 
sorts to all sorts of ingenious though often painful 
devices in order to increase his attractiveness. Or- 132 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
namental scars are made upon the dark-skinned 
body. With the light-skinned early peoples of the 
temperate zones, scarification, not easily discern- 
ible, is replaced by tattooing. Indigoes and similar 
dark substances are used to make permanent orna- 
mentations upon the white skin. Ornamental pur- 
poses are further served by attaching rings, through 
perforations, to the ears, nose, lips, and by fasten- 
ing them around the arms and ankles. Fantastic 
forms of male hair dress develop and beads of all 
colors are used to enhance bodily beauty. 
With the development of clothing for protective 
and ornamental purposes a third causal element 
appeared—modesty. Ornamental clothing often 
tended, and still does, to sex stimulation. Conse- 
quently, clothing not only caused modesty, but 
modesty in clothing acquired a tangible status. 
Three purposes, thus, are served by clothing—pro- 
tection, ornamentation (chiefly on sex planes), and 
modesty. 
With the rise of wife-capture, the warrior-state, 
and the patriarchal family, man became the wooer 
and woman the wooed. When woman was sought 
for by male courting and when her restricted sphere 
of work with its monotony and routine demanded 
variation, she concentrated her attention on her 
clothing not primarily from the protective or mod- 
esty bases, but for the purposes of ornamentation. 
The more beautiful she could make her appearance, SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
133 
the greater her chances of attracting the com- 
petitive glances of suitors. Woman has assumed a 
heavy load of sex-ornamentation. This burden 
has weighed her down and greatly hindered her 
mental progress. 
Among the hereditary leisure classes husbands 
sometimes encourage their wives; and parents, their 
daughters to dress luxuriously—for mere display 
purposes. By such conspicuous and wasteful con- 
sumption of goods, husbands and parents are en- 
abled to advertise their wealth. Thereby women are 
unwisely encouraged to place far more emphasis up- 
on the ornamental than upon the more substantial 
elements of protection and modesty. There is truth 
in the assertion that man, among certain classes, 
has made woman an ornament and kept her in a 
doll’s house. The display emphasis, on occasion, 
becomes so exaggerated that the protection in cloth- 
ing which is demanded by health considerations is 
openly ignored, while sex immodesty is vulgarly 
flaunted. 
So extensively has woman of the hereditary leisure 
classes given attention to dress (ornament) as dis- 
tinguished from clothing (protection and modesty), 
that some women secure the height of enjoyment 
out of surpassing other women in gorgeousness of 
attire. At an afternoon gathering of leisure class 
women each subtly observes how the others are 
gowned. At a men’s club, on the other hand, men’s 134 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
wearing apparel is rarely a topic of conversation, 
since matters of more objective interest, such as 
business or politics, engage the attention. 
Men have not entirely escaped from the customs 
of primeval days when they were the ornamented 
sex. Kings and courtiers still dress in pompous re- 
galia. The Scotch kilt is a survival of early male 
embellishments. Members of large fraternal orders 
indulge yearly or biennially in a reversion to the 
days of the gorgeous plumage of the male. On such 
occasions the women are outdone. 
The present circumstances attendant upon dress 
have brought to sane-minded women several prob- 
lems. (1) The question of economic cost is serious 
when so much stress is placed upon expensive ma- 
terials, upon having a new gown for every formal 
occasion, and when styles swing from one extreme 
to another in rapid succession. It has been shrewd- 
ly observed that the cost of a “fashionable woman” 
is beyond computation. It has been well said that 
a marriage proposal means much more today (when 
spring and fall hats cost twenty-five dollars each) 
than formerly (when the young wife wore a shawl 
for head covering, and which she had made herself). 
(2) The mandates of modern fashions in dress 
have enslaved woman. Women are often non- 
plussed by the search to find that which is in style 
and yet pleases. A tremendous amount of energy is 
expended in the consumption of dress goods. A SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
135 
portion of this energy might well be released in pro- 
ductive mental activities. 
The rapid shifting in styles and the prestige of 
the mere novel arbitrarily set aside a beautiful style 
before it has had a chance to be fully appreciated. 
If the struggle were for increasingly beautiful cloth- 
ing, a worthy cause would be honored. But under 
commercialized control there is little if any increase 
from year to year in the artistic quality of dress. 
(4) Efforts by women to establish a Dress Re- 
form League have never been far-reaching. Such a 
protection against the tyrannies of fashion in dress 
is needed, but attempts of this order have proved 
futile because of woman’s lack of experience in or- 
ganizing, her lack of training in doing good team- 
work, the tendency of leaders of dress reform to im- 
pose “mannish” styles of clothing upon women, and 
the failure to get nation-wide action. 
There are many evidences that fashions in all 
things which are so subject are changing more rap- 
idly than ever. The pace is increasing, due to im- 
proved methods of communication, the development 
of a “hustle” civilization, and inexpensive methods 
of making imitations of all kinds. With the return 
of peace, there has come in certain quarters, in- 
creased fashion frenzy. A buyer for a well-known 
American dry goods house reports to the writer that 
he is unable to buy goods expensive, extravagant, 
and wasteful enough to meet the demands of the 
wealthy patrons of his store. 136 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
On the other hand, the opposition to the tyranny 
of fashion is gaining ground. Not only" is there an 
increasing number of independent voters in our na- 
tion but there are also growing groups of independ- 
ent thinkers with reference to fashion absurdities. 
In the lead are the business woman and the athletic 
woman, but the former sometimes hinders the cause 
by her mannishness and the latter sometimes by 
her slouchiness and disregard of the esthetic. There 
are, fortunately, increasing numbers of individuals 
who place worth of character above willingness to 
become slaves to fashion imitation. 
In conclusion, it should be said that the chief 
merit of fashion is that it contributes to progress. 
Fashions are the experimental laboratory of prog- 
ress. As the chemist tries a hundred experiments 
before he finds a useful new combination of ele- 
ments, so society tries out a hundred new ideas or 
styles in order to find one fashion of utility. Every 
invention in any field must stand the test of fashion 
imitation. If it is worth while, as now and then is 
the case, it becomes widely adopted, its adoption 
achieves a degree of stability, it passes from a com- 
petitive to a non-competitive basis, and changes its 
status from the fashionable to the conventional or 
customary. 
5. Convention Imitation. When a fashion is 
characterized by a wide acceptance, it becomes a 
convention. Convention, however, is less universal SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
137 
and less permanent than custom. Convention imi- 
tation is based both on prestige and utility. Occa- 
sionally a fashion acquires unusual prestige and 
through extended imitation, sinks into blind and 
widespread acceptance. Conventional standards 
are usually composed of much that is irrational. 
The extraordinary high heel is a useless and dan- 
gerous fashion which through prestige has become 
conventional. In this and many other cases of com- 
mon conventions, the origin of the convention is 
found in examples set by the hereditary leisure 
class. Through prestige, countless conventions gov- 
ern conduct and tastes. 
Utility may create conventions. Useful inven- 
tions quickly pass from the fashionable to the con- 
ventional, such as the typewriter, the automobile, 
the tractor. Automobiles, however, serve two pur- 
poses—commercial and pleasure. The former are 
conventional; the latter, fashionable. Pleasure cars 
permit competitive ornamentation; they are used as 
forms of conspicuous consumption of goods. Auto- 
mobile accessories are usually in the fashionable 
class. 
Conventionality shares with fashionableness the 
field of contemporary imitation.10 A convention is 
non-competitive, is widely adopted as the standard, 
and is less deliberate than fashion. It may be irra- 
10 The best discussion of conventionality has been given by E. A. Ross, 
Social Psychology, Chs. VII-XI. 138 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
tional, but it is not faddish or governed by the mob 
rule of excitement. 
Conventionality, like custom, reveals servile obe- 
dience. Conventions are customs in the making; 
they frequently are customs in the fields of manners 
or morals. 
Convention deals primarily with social structures 
rather than with social functioning, which if origi- 
nating in the mores, is the field of custom. Conven- 
tion is represented by forms. The eating of three 
meals a day by Americans, carrying food to the 
mouth by a fork, serving coffee at an evening dinner 
party, and so on, all deal with the forms of secur- 
ing nourishment, not with nourishment itself. A 
formal reception affords opportunities for strangers 
to be introduced to each other and to express a few 
words of greeting, to act as though they were old- 
time friends, bowing graciously to each other, but 
without developing real and abiding friendship. 
Almost a negligible percentage of the persons one 
is introduced to at a formal reception thereby be- 
come permanent friends. It is the form rather than 
the throbbing content of friendship which is exer- 
cised. In the same way the making of formal calls 
and the leaving of calling cards exercises the forms 
rather than the essence of friendship. 
6. Custom Imitation. Custom imitation is the 
unconscious or conscious acceptance of ideas or 
ways of doing which developed and spread during SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
139 
generations preceding the present. It is non-com- 
petitive and non-deliberative, like convention imi- 
tation. The impulses which lead one to convention 
imitation likewise impel one to accept without anal- 
ysis the standards of the past. 
Custom rules with an iron hand. Custom blinds. 
Custom is supported by the power of habit. The 
members of a primitive tribe who were accustomed 
to carry all loads on their heads were furnished with 
wheelbarrows and shown how to use them, but 
they refused to follow instructions. They persisted 
in carrying the loaded wheelbarrows upon their 
heads—so powerful was custom. 
Although it functions throughout life, custom im- 
itation is especially strong in the years of childhood 
and adolescence. After the individual reaches ma- 
turity and the later years of life, he asks and thinks 
in customary ways without often asking why. The 
fact that a way of doing has been followed success- 
fully in the past implies present usefulness. But 
utility in the past is not necessarily a guarantee of 
present serviceableness, because conditions and 
needs may have changed. Hence, even customs of 
high repute should be tested occasionally by current 
needs. 
A written constitution may be well suited to its 
day, but in some ways be a hindrance under the 
changed social conditions of a later century. Indi- 
viduals have established endowments by will for 140 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
worthy purposes; but conditions shifted and the en- 
dowment legacy no longer met needs. Moreover, 
the legacy cannot be changed if in the meantime the 
giver has died. Endowments for teaching children 
to card, spin, and knit were worthy at the time, but 
when inventions in these fields were made and card- 
ing, spinning, and knitting became machine proc- 
esses, these endowments, permanent by law, became 
useless. The custom of keeping windows in houses 
closed tightly was meritorious in the days when the 
wind blew in under the rafters, between the logs, 
and through the floors, but is unhealthy when 
houses are built better. Race prejudice was neces- 
sary in the time of fang and claw, but harmful under 
the reign of increasing good will. Political autoc- 
racy was justified when 99 per cent of the people 
were illiterate, but is anti-social when the large ma- 
jority are educated and thoughtful. 
There are sections of life, both societary and( in- 
dividual, which fall directly under the control of 
custom. Language, religion, and law escape with 
difficulty from the cast-iron grasp of custom. It is 
custom which maintains the incongruities in a lan- 
guage, dogmatism in a religion, and blind adherence 
to precedents in law. Custom is likely to rule on 
the feeling side of life. New ideas do not readily 
penetrate the feelings; they must appear in the garb 
of the old—as customs; whereas under the rule of 
fashion, old ideas in order to survive put on the liv- 
ery of the new. SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
141 
Under a regime of custom imitation, the leaders 
are usually elderly men. At least they are men who 
stand for beliefs that have become established. On 
the other hand, under the sway of fashion, the lead- 
ers are much younger; they have not yet reached 
their prime and have a willingness to try the new. 
In the physically isolated places of the earth, such 
as mountain regions or islands that are aside from 
the main arteries of travel, custom imitation is in 
the ascendance. Likewise in the socially isolated 
divisions of society, such as the “slums,” custom im- 
itation rules. Moreover, in the socially isolated 
phases of individual and family life, custom pre- 
dominates. The newest furniture is put in the liv- 
ing room while out-worn furnishings are used in 
rear rooms. In all three sets of circumstances there 
are lacking essential contacts with and stimulations 
from the new. 
Tarde has shown that epochs of custom imitation 
alternate with periods of fashion imitation. Some- 
times custom and convention will be endorsed by 
one political party and fashion by the other—re- 
vealed in the classification of the conservative and 
the liberal parties, or the conservative and liberal 
wings of a single party. 
There is a normal and powerful tendency for a 
crust of custom to form over the psychic life of ev- 
ery group. There is a continuous carrying forward 
of the mores. The group, thus, has to safeguard it- 142 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
self against stagnation by encouraging a certain 
amount of inquiry in regard to customary beliefs. 
If this protective measure is not steadily encour- 
aged, the group will be smothered and crushed be- 
neath the weight of outworn customs, or dynamic 
forces within the group will gather strength until a 
revolutionary break is made at some point through 
the enveloping crust. The value of custom imita- 
tion is in its tendency to conserve the best ideas 
and activities of the past (along with much that is 
chaff, which has to be winnowed by criticism), and 
in its stabilizing character. 
7. Socio-Rational Imitation. Rational imita- 
tion is the imitating of that which has merit in any 
phase of life. It is imitating that which is efficient, 
while the imitating of the inefficient is irrational. 
It includes cross sections of fashion, convention, 
and custom imitations. 
Since customs are ways of doing which have 
weathered the storms of years, and human nature 
changes very slowly, a larger proportion of customs 
are rational than would at first appear. Attention 
is commonly called to those customs which have 
become ridiculous because of new life conditions, 
while the large number of customs which function 
smoothly and usefully are rarely mentioned. To 
the degree that a custom is accepted critically and 
on the ground of serviceability, the process is ration- 
al. Even a degree of custom imitation which is not 
characterized by deliberation is rational. SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
143 
Convention imitation is less rational than custom 
imitation. Conventions often gain expression in the 
semi-superficial phases of life where glamor or per- 
functory respectability rule. Reputability some- 
times covers a multitude of foolish conventions. 
Inasmuch as fashion imitation rests largely upon 
novelty and mere reputability it is ordinarily irra- 
tional. Of a hundred new fashions in several fields 
that might be selected at random probably less than 
ten per cent could be proved of substantial value. 
Rational imitation includes a considerable pro- 
portion of custom imitation, a lesser degree of con- 
ventionality, and a small percentage of fashionable- 
ness. Customs and conventions must be submitted 
continuously to present-day tests of efficiency, or 
they will block progress. Fashions also need to be 
subjected to the test of efficiency, or they will pro- 
voke tremendous social losses and dissipations. 
Certain phases of group and individual life are 
under the rigid control of rational standards. Bus- 
iness success follows high standards of efficiency. 
Scientific investigation must meet the requirements 
of accuracy, efficiency, and utility. 
Among current customs and conventions which 
are irrational, the following may be suggested: 
(1) French heels. 
(2) Hard, stiff collars for men. 
(3) Wearing furs on a hot summer day. 
(4) Wearing woolen coats by men on a hot day. 144 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
(5) Promiscuous kissing of defenseless babies. 
(6) Piercing ears for earrings. 
(7) Considering thirteen an unlucky number. 
(8) Knocking on wood to preserve one’s good 
fortune. 
(9) Wearing spurs by officers who do not ride 
horses. 
(10) Wearing large hats in church. 
(11) Throwing rice at a wedding couple. 
(12) Wearing hoods on academic gowns. 
A vital aspect of rational imitation is socio-ra- 
tional imitation, which applies not only to the ordi- 
nary standards of efficiency but also to those of hu- 
man welfare. It adds sociality to rationality. 
It has been common to use the tests of efficiency 
and reasoning but not necessarily socio-rational cri- 
teria in the business and manufacturing world. To 
crush out small competitors has been considered ef- 
ficient and rational by the large concerns, but they 
have not been moved in so doing by socio-rational 
motives. To call a strike at a critical hour in indus- 
trial production has been considered efficient by la- 
bor leaders, but in so doing they have not recog- 
nized socio-rational demands. 
Strength of character and efficiency are terms 
which connote rational methods of living and work- 
ing, but both may be and are used in destructive 
and disastrous ways to society. Theoretically and 
carried out in its fullest meaning, psychological effi- SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
145 
ciency ranks high, but practically it often results 
in turning men into automatic machines, employees 
into mechanisms, and spiritual values into material 
phenomena. Strength of character is no guarantee 
of socialized action. Villains and criminals often 
possess great strength of character, but they use it 
in anti-social directions. Socio-rational imitation 
adds the standard of social welfare to that of psy- 
chological efficiency and strength of character. 
Socio-rational imitation is the highest form of 
rational imitation. In the past rationality has been 
defined largely in terms of individual happiness and 
welfare. This idea always had staunch support in 
hedonism and related ethical theories. Then ration- 
ality was given a larger meaning and made to in- 
clude individual action in accordance with the wel- 
fare of small groups, such as one’s family group, the 
business unit, the local club or fraternal organiza- 
tion. It is still considered rational to enact tariff 
legislation which will benefit a relatively small 
number of individuals as much as possible and en- 
able them to charge the great mass of consumers 
more than they sell the same goods for (at a fair 
profit) in a foreign country. 
The difference between rational and socio-ra- 
tional imitation is one of degree. Rationality needs 
to be extended so that the acts of the individual and 
of the nation will be measured not simply by local 
or selfish ends but by humanity standards. Nations 146 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
are still prone to act along paths that are nationally 
selfish and to call such action rational. Nations 
submit hesitatingly and distrustfully to socio-inter- 
national procedure. And well they may, until all 
the leading nations achieve a broader basis and a 
wider horizon for international conduct than they 
have known in the past. For nations, rational imi- 
tation has meant chiefly nationally selfish practices, 
which have been proclaimed rational. A socio-ra- 
tional example, however, has been set by the United 
States when through her president she said that she 
has no selfish national ends to gain, that she desires 
no conquest, no dominion, that she is but one of the 
champions of the rights of mankind.11 
A socio-rational way of imitating is the most val- 
uable method of imitation which is known to social 
psychology. 
“Address to Congress by Woodrow Wilson, April 2, 1917. SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
147 
PROBLEMS 
1. Why are you suggestible? 
2. In what particulars are you least suggestible? 
3. What rule may one follow in driving a nail in order 
to avoid hitting his thumb? 
4. Why does your throat ache “after listening to a 
speaker who forms his voice badly”? 
5. What is the suggestion in the politician’s slogan: 
“Let us pass prosperity around”? 
6. What difference does it make whether clerks ask, 
“Shall we send the package?” or, “Shall we send the pack- 
age, or will you take it with you?” 
7. What suggestion does “a brass-trimmed, marble- 
faced, mahogany-upholstered bank” make to an immigrant 
from South Europe? 
8. What suggestion does a #6,000 limousine make to 
the average honest but poor man? 
9. What suggestion is made by a dentist’s sign which 
shows a large tooth deeply imbedded in the gums ? 
10. What do the extravagant dresses of the wife or 
daughter of a lawyer or physician suggest to the client or 
patient? 
11. Why can one easily walk a narrow plank that lies 
on the ground, but not one which extends across a deep 
chasm? 
12. How do you explain “the deadliness of the innuendo”? 
13. Why is faint praise more damaging than downright 
depreciation? 
14. Why is it usually true that the best way to get the 
offer of a coveted position is not to seem too anxious for it? 
15. How do you account for the moral influence of cer- 
tain teachers, and the lack thereof of others who are equally 
well-intentioned? 148 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
16. What is the danger in talks “on sex-hygiene before 
the segregated pupils of the public schools”? 
17. Is it safer “on meeting a formidable animal to stand 
than to run”? 
18. Explain the suggestion in the statement, “He protests 
too much.” 
19. When is a person most suggestible? 
20. Explain the statement that sentiment is “more elec- 
tric than opinion.” 
21. Is an ideal a better religious nucleus than a dogma? 
22. Should there be censorship of motion pictures? 
23. Why is the moral responsibility of the novelist great? 
24. Does art need censorship more than science? 
25. Who is the more dangerous to society, the dissemi- 
nator of wrong ideals, or of wrong opinions? 
26. Explain: “The vortical'suction of our population is 
stronger than ever before.” 
27. How do you explain psychologically that “nothing 
succeeds like success”? 
28. Explain from the standpoint of social psychology 
that “nothing succeeds like success.” 
29. Which is imitated the more easily: 
(1) Indolence or ambition? 
(2) A hopeful or a fearful attitude? 
(3) Yawning or sneezing? 
(4) Saving or spending? 
(5) Vices or virtues? 
30. Why has Paris been the center from which new fash- 
ions in woman’s dress have emanated? 
31. Is it true that nothing is fashionable until it be de- 
formed? 
32. How do you account for the fact that fashions tend 
to the extreme? SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
149 
33. Is it true that any particular fashion “can never be 
generally in vogue”? 
34. Is the cash register fashionable? 
35. Illustrate the difference between fashion and progress. 
36. Do fashions change now more rapidly than formerly? 
37. Does extensive fashion imitation refine or debase 
one’s tastes? 
38. Why is the high gloss of a gentleman’s high hat con- 
sidered more beautiful than “a similar high gloss on a 
thread-bare sleeve”? 
39. Why is a given fashion often considered beautiful 
when in style, and unsightly when out of style? 
40. Are things beautiful in proportion to their cost? 
41. Who are the more subject to fashion changes, per- 
sons guided by their feelings, or by their reason? Why? 
42. Explain: “One might as well be dead as out of fash- 
ion.” 
43. “Who are more responsible for fashion absurdities, 
the women who wear them, or the men who are pleased by 
them?” 
44. Do women give particular attention to dress in order 
to please themselves, other women, or the men? 
45. To whom are the fashion shows the greater benefit, 
the merchant or the customers? 
46. Who are to be blamed the more for useless fashion 
expenditures, the customers racing for distinction or the 
manufacturers and merchants racing for profits? 
47. How would you explain the fact that there is less 
rivalry in consumption of goods “among farmers than among 
people of corresponding means in the city”? 
48. Why is it easier to save money in the country than 
in the city? 
49. Is it true that the standard of living rises so rapidly 
with every increase in prosperity “that there is scarcely any 
let-up in the economic strain”? 150 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
50. Why is the display of good manners conventional 
among the leisure classes? 
51. Illustrate: “Almost everywhere propriety and con- 
ventionality press more mercilessly on woman than on man, 
thereby lessening her range of choice and dwarfing her will.” 
52. Name three leading conventions of the day. 
53. Why does a Christian gentleman take off his hat in 
church and a Mohammedan his shoes? 
54. What are manners for? 
55. Explain: Manners become worse as one travels from 
East to West—they are best in Asia, fairly good in Europe, 
bad in America? 
56. Explain: “Such generally admired beauties of person 
or costume as the bandaged foot, the high heel, the wasp 
waist, the full skirt, and the long train are such as incapaci- 
tate from all useful work.” 
57. Give an original illustration of the statement that 
physical isolation favors customs. 
58. Give a personally observed illustration of the state- 
ment that social isolation favors customs. 
59. Why has the dress suit for men remained more or 
less the same the world over? 
60. Why may a man wear the same dress suit for years, 
whereas a woman must have a new dress for almost every 
formal occasion? 
61. What survivals—no longer useful—do you see in the 
quaintly cut dress coat? 
62. Why has it been the custom in the United States to 
retire generals at sixty-four years of age? 
63. Why has it been customary to choose men who are 
past middle age as popes and judges? 
64. Of what custom is Hallowe’en a survival? 
65. Is the law library the main laboratory of the law 
student? SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
151 
66. Whence did the idea arise that “manual labor is de- 
grading”? 
67. Why do so many people believe that pecuniary suc- 
cess is the only success? 
68. In what custom did the hood on the academic gown 
originate? 
69. Is our food a matter of personal choice or of conven- 
tion ? 
70. What customs can you name which have developed 
in the United States? 
71. Why are people in old countries more interested in 
culture than people in new? 
72. Does the study of languages tend to encourage the 
habit of conformity to the new? 
73. How does the mastery of the classics affect one’s so- 
cial stability? 
74. Is it true that majorities do not necessarily stand for 
truth and justice but often for the customs and convictions 
of the past? 
75. What is meant by “the neophobia of the old”? 
76. Is it rational to follow authority? 
77. Indicate a rational way of “ascertaining woman’s 
sphere.” 
78. What are the strongest foes of new and socio-rational 
ideas? 
79. Make an original list of five irrational customs. 
80. Which develops a more open, rational mind, the lab- 
oratory method, or the text-book method? 
81. Is it rational for a religous leader to require his fol- 
lowers “to renounce the extravagances of fashion and to 
dress simply” ? 
82. How does the study of hygiene, psychology, and so- 
ciology help one to become crank-proof? 152 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
83. Why do Americans who eat raw oysters criticize the 
Japanese for eating uncooked fish? 
84. Why do American women criticize Chinese women 
for compressing their feet longitudinally when they them- 
selves try “to escape the stigma of having normal feet” by 
“a formidable degree of lateral compression” ? 
85. Why do we ridicule the customs and beliefs of other 
peoples while we remain oblivious to the weaknesses of our 
own customs and fashions? 
86. What effect does knowledge of the customs and be- 
liefs of other peoples have upon your own customs and be- 
liefs? 
87. Does one’s manner of living, or manner of work 
change the more rapidly? Why? 
88. If you were trying to induce “Jews and Christians, 
Orangemen and Catholics, Germans and Slavs, Poles and 
Lithuanians” to sink their enmities, how would you proceed? 
89. In what sense is rational imitation conservative? 
90. How is rational imitation radical? 
91. Give a new illustration of the statement that “one of 
the greatest pains to human nature is the pain of a new idea.” 
92. Explain: “Most of us jump into our beliefs with both 
feet and stand there.” 
93. If everybody should become a rational imitator, 
would progress cease because of the lack of people to try 
strange and peculiar ideas? 
94. Why in this civilized country are so many fashions 
irrational? 
95. Does education always imply rational imitation? 
96. What is the main difference between rational and so- 
cio-rational imitation? 
97. Why have we just begun to talk about socio-rational 
imitation? SUGGESTION AND IMITATION 
153 
READINGS 
Baldwin, J. M., Social and Ethical Interpretations, Ch. X. 
Cooley, C. H., Nature and the Social Order, Ch. II. 
Social Organization, Chs. XVIII, XX. 
Ellwood, C. A., An Introduction to Social Psychology, Ch. X. 
Sociology in its Psychological Aspects, Ch. XIII. 
Foley, C. H., “Fashion,” Econ. Jour. 111:458-74. 
Gault, G. H., Social Psychology, Ch. VI. 
McDougall, Wm., An Introduction to Social Psychology. 
Platt, C., Psychology of Social Life, Chs. V-VII. 
Ross, E. A., Social Psychology, Chs. II, VI, XI, XVI. 
Social Control, Chs. XIII-XV. 
Shaler, N. S., “The Law of Fashion,” Atlantic Mon., LXI: 
386-98. 
Simmel, G., “Fashion,” International Quarterly, X: 130-155. 
Sumner, W. G., Folkways. 
Tarde, Gabriel, The Laws of Imitation. 
Social Laws. Chapter V 
INVENTION AND LEADERSHIP 
Without inventions there would be nothing new 
to imitate and likewise nothing new to suggest. 
Hence invention gives point to suggestion and 
makes imitation an ever vital process. 
Invention is also related to leadership, for with- 
out it, leaders would simply travel in circles as 
blind leaders of the blind. In a real sense, leader- 
ship includes inventing, discovering, prophesying, 
organizing, and also directing natural and social 
forces. The analysis of leadership may be preceded 
by a study of the social psychology of invention. 
The history of invention is concerned not with 
“the unoriginal moments of any man’s life, nor with 
the stolid procession that never had a thought of 
their own,” but with the brightest, happiest, creative 
moments of the most fortunate minds of all races 
and in part with the most beneficent contributions 
of mankind.1 
1. The Nature of Invention. (1) Invention 
means coming upon, seeing into, and perceiving new 
relationships. Two hitherto unconnected ideas 
1 0. T. Mason, Origins of Invention, p. 28. INVENTION AND LEADERSHIP 
155 
come together in the mind, a mental flash occurs, 
the ideas are correlated, and invention results. 
To see a new relationship is the essence of inven- 
tion. In ancient Babylon, individual characters 
were stamped upon brick, but it was not until cen- 
turies later that the simple process of putting indi- 
vidual characters together and of substituting print- 
ing for writing was invented. When Heracles 
undertook the task of cleaning the Augean farm- 
yard where 3,000 oxen had been stabled for thirty 
years he first used his imagination, and instead of 
trying laborious methods he perceived that by turn- 
ing the course of the Alpheus and Peneus rivers 
through the stables, the gigantic task would be ac- 
complished in short order. According to Herodo- 
tus, Cyrus the Great was halted in his attack upon 
Babylon by the massive city walls, until a new idea 
flashed into his imagination, whereupon he ordered 
the waters of the Euphrates turned aside, and send- 
ing his army along the river bed and under the walls 
of the city, he took by surprise the hosts of Nebu- 
chadnezzar, who had not anticipated a stratagem. 
(2) Inventions spring from individuality. To 
the extent that one’s individuality finds expression 
in his work he invents. Every imitation is accom- 
panied by at least a small degree of initiation. Since 
the imitator sees life at a somewhat different angle 
from the initiator, he will unconsciously, if not de- 
liberately, incorporate new elements into the proc- 156 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
ess—which is fundamental to all invention. The 
copying of the acts of another is influenced by the 
personal equation of the imitator. It is impossible 
for one person to copy exactly the handwriting of 
another, except presumably by diligent, painstaking, 
and concentrated effort. Hence invention and imi- 
lation are opposite poles of the same phenomenon 
—every imitation results in at least a slight modifi- 
cation, or invention. 
“Invention is as natural as imitation,”2 since it is 
the normal expression of individuality. Invention 
begins early in life. When the child begins to 
speak, he begins to invent. He names (a process of 
invention) his parents and himself (pa pa, ma ma, 
ba ba). He is full of new and original potentialities. 
Parents and teachers have their minds set upon 
standardizing him. But in the necessary disciplin- 
ing, the parent and even the teacher often neglect 
to study and to encourage his inventive ability. The 
unique phases of his personality are likely to receive 
no studied attention unless they take the form of 
obstreperousness and recalcitrancy, and then he 
usually receives repressive treatment. 
The teacher in one of our public schools could do 
nothing with a small Italian boy who was unruly 
beyond description. The principal gave up the boy 
and turned him over to a special school. There the 
teacher quietly watched the newcomer when he was 
*J. M. Baldwin, The Individual and Society, p. 149. INVENTION AND LEADERSHIP 
157 
playing in the schoolyard. His new playmates soon 
discovered his special ability to sing. Before the 
first day was over at the parental school, the way- 
ward youth was playing truant, singing for pay to 
his new found admirers. He was singing rag-time, 
but with a voice that the parental school teacher 
recognized as remarkable. “Tony,” said the teach- 
er, “can you sing something from any of the Italian 
operas?” Immediately in tones of amazing purity, 
Tony sang La dcnna e mobile. “Would you like to 
take some music lessons?” asked the teacher. With 
tears quickly welling into his eyes, Tony’s heart 
melted and his mind leaped with the flash and fire of 
a new enthusiasm—and yet an enthusiasm as old 
as the Italian race. He caused no more trouble to 
the school, and more important, his ability to create 
art—that is, to invent—received recognition and ef- 
fective encouragement. 
In hearing new words and terms, the child com- 
monly invents meanings for them. When he in- 
vents a wrong interpretation, his parents may scold 
him. They fail to see that what is a mistake to 
them is an invention of the child and that they may 
be suppressing what is most creative in their child. 
The little girl who upon seeing a homely yellow cat, 
said: “There goes an orange meow,” had made a 
crude and simple invention of terms. The child 
who wanted to be tucked into bed at night and said: 
“Tighten me up on both sides, Daddy,” expressed 158 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
in her own way an inaccurate but new connection of 
activities. In standardizing children there is dan- 
ger of being blind to the inventiveness that crops 
out through individuality. The danger lurks every- 
where, from the methods of parental disciplining 
to the habit of some university instructors who 
grade high the students who memorize everything 
that the instructors expound, but do nothing else. 
Invention, then, usually springs from the indi- 
vidualistic side of personality, in much the same 
way that imitation is a resultant of sociality. Self 
initiative and assertion produce innovations. In- 
ventions have not usually been made for the pur- 
pose of rendering some public service but to satisfy 
some desire, or to secure an answer to some prob- 
lem. Incidental to the process is the individual’s 
love of inventing. The more creative the invention 
the greater the satisfaction which comes to the in- 
dividual. 
(3) Effort leads to invention. The dynamic ele- 
ment in all impulses is fundamental to invention. 
The motor character of ideas is found in invention. 
Long, persistent mental toil is nearly always the 
price of an invention; the lazy rarely innovate. Al- 
most all the greatest inventors have been indefati- 
gable workers. 
Invention may be as natural as imitation, but it 
is immeasurably more difficult. The inventor fre- 
quently finds himself against a stone wall, and it is INVENTION AND LEADERSHIP 
159 
only by concentrated effort in apparently hopeless 
and endless experimenting that the problem is 
solved. Individual initiative, agility of mind, and 
focalized attention—these are essential to inven- 
tion. 
(4) Curiosity culminates in invention. The nat- 
ural trend of the curiosityimpulses is toward discov- 
ery. It is the inquiring mind which discovers, in- 
vents, creates. Inquiring, questioning, longing are 
the antecedents of invention. 
The curiosity impulses interpret life in terms of 
problems—problems which call for answers and so- 
lutions. The inventive mind always is character- 
ized by problems—problems which call forth inces- 
sant energy and focalization of effort. It is the per- 
son who has no questions to ask who rarely invents. 
Questioning is a precious trait, because it precedes 
invention. 
(5) Invention is problem-solving. Invention 
arises from individual needs, from problems, from 
attempts to extricate oneself from difficulties, from 
a reasonable degree of worrying. The starting point 
is a problem; the next essential is a desire to solve 
the problem; then collection and analysis of data are 
necessary; and finally, a new and useful relation- 
ship is discovered. 
In this process the inventor may come upon an 
entirely unexpected relationship; the invention, or 
discoveiy, may be different from the one for which 160 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
the long search is made. In studying an apparatus 
designed to repeat Morse characters, Mr. Edison 
was looking for possible ways of improving the in- 
strument when his attention was attracted to pecu- 
liar humming noises. He perceived a resemblance 
of these sounds to the human voice—and caught a 
vision which led to an unanticipated invention, the 
phonograph. Daguerre left an underexposed plate 
in a cupboard and later found that it was developed. 
He could not understand the cause. In the cup- 
board, however, he found a capsule of mercury, a 
metal which discharges steam at ordinary temper- 
ature. He experimented with underexposed plates 
and mercury—the result was the daguerreotype. 
Problem-solving is fundamental to all invention 
and discovery. A desire, a need, a problem; con- 
centration of attention upon the problem; the trial 
and error method of experimentation; finally, the 
expected or the unanticipated discovery: such is 
invention. Hence it may be seen that the process 
is relatively simple and the possibilities of making 
useful inventions are open to almost any energetic 
mind. 
It may be stated here that psychologically there 
is no essential difference between discovering and 
inventing. Consider the discovery of America: first, 
there was a problem, namely, to travel by direct 
route to India; then the brilliant idea that Europe 
was related or connected with India by the Western INVENTION AND LEADERSHIP 
161 
seas; then, the search, the long journey, the stead- 
fast westward gaze, and the holding against tre- 
mendous odds to the westward course; and finally, 
land, not India, but a new continent. 
(6) Invention is produced by an inventive at- 
mosphere. Invention is “catching.” The spirit of 
invention spreads and inventive enthusiasm runs 
high. Nations experience inventive epochs. An 
age of fashion, as opposed to one of custom, repre- 
sents inventive craze as well as imitative craze. Be- 
hind countless superficial, artificial fashions is the 
spirit of invention, and out of the process a few 
worthy inventions are produced. 
About the year 1500 there was a group of land 
discoveries—discovering land became the fashion. 
Land discoveries flocked together. Since 1917 there 
has been a series of air-transportation inventions. 
One air-transportation invention or achievement 
stimulates countless individuals to greater efforts; 
thus new records in this field are continually being 
made. 
The inventive atmosphere is partly created by so- 
cial stimulation. A whole nation can pass into a so- 
cial stupor, and individuals be put to sleep by social 
inertia, and live and die without being aware of 
needs which can be met by invention. Social satis- 
faction and stagnation kill inventiveness. On the 
other hand, social activity and recognition promote 
the inventive spirit. 162 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Industry and business have eagerly sought the 
invention of material processes, and consequently 
the inventions in these fields have overshadowed all 
others. Recognition in the realm of art in our coun- 
try comes tardily, and creative art as a result has 
been held back. 
(7) Invention is sometimes caused by necessity. 
“Necessity is the mother of invention.” By virtue 
of circumstances Robinson Crusoe became an in- 
ventor. Many a phlegmatic and unimaginative per- 
son has found himself in situations where he was 
obliged to invent. Exhaustion of productive lands 
compelled experimentation in diy farming and irri- 
gation. An ultimate scarcity of crude oil may force 
the invention of a substitute for gasoline as a source 
of power for driving automobiles, and then of a sub- 
stitute for the gasoline engine. 
(8) Invention is modification. Nearly all new 
ideas and appliances which reach the United States 
Patent Office are classified as improvements. In 
other words, an invention is usually a projection 
from a group of older inventions. 
The invention of the steam engine was not made 
in its entirety in the year 1769 by James Watt, 
neither did it take place on the day that the atten- 
tion of Watt was centered on the rising and falling 
lid of the tea-kettle. The invention of the steam en- 
gine goes back to the aeolipile made by Hero of Al- 
exandria in the second century, b. c., to a type of INVENTION AND LEADERSHIP 
163 
steam windmill that was worked out by G. Branca 
about 1629, to the steam apparatus which was man- 
ufactured by the Marquis of Worcester in 1663, to 
the application of steam power to various kinds of 
machines by Thomas Savery about 1700, to Papin’s 
idea of the piston, to Newcomen’s piston engine, a 
model of which Watt was repairing when in 1763 
he set to work to eliminate the waste of steam due to 
alternate chilling and heating of the cylinder. With 
this problem in mind, Watt worked for six years 
before he had perfected the separate condenser in 
1769, the date at which it is popularly said that the 
steam engine was invented. This invention, there- 
fore, involved more than the observation of a tea- 
kettle ; it included countless improvements that had 
been made by many persons throughout a long pe- 
riod of time. 
The modifications which constitute inventions are 
of three classes: (a) natural evolutions, (b) trans- 
formations, and (c) marked deviations.3 Qualita- 
tively, this order represents an ascending scale. The 
difference is one of degree. As a result of the in- 
creasing difficulty which is involved, this schedule 
constitutes, numerically, a descending scale, (a) 
Inventions that are natural evolutions of previously 
discovered relationships are the easiest to make and 
the most common. To change a gourd into a recep- 
* See the extended discussion of this theme by F. Paulhan, Psychologie 
de I’invention, livre II. 164 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
tacle for carrying water, to use a stone as a weapon, 
to make a cave into a cave-house, or to give a slant 
to perpendicular windshields—these are natural 
evolutions. They range from innumerable small 
changes, scarcely worthy to be called inventions, to 
transformations of materials. 
(b) Some inventions are complex combinations 
of known relationships. The results are transfor- 
mations of the constituent elements. To connect a 
bucket and a rope with a wheel for the purpose of 
drawing water from a well, to attach a foot lever to 
a spinning-wheel so as to change the immediate 
source of power and free the hand, or to put pneu- 
matic tubes upon automobile wheels: these are 
transformations in ordinary usages. 
(c) Marked deviations from current knowledge 
and skill are the highest forms which invention 
takes. They involve recognition of relationships 
apparently unrelated. They range up into the most 
brilliant findings, conceptions, and creations of gen- 
iuses. The invention of the cipher, the discovery of 
fire, the application of steam to machinery, the 
making of an instrument for transmitting and re- 
producing human speech between points that are 
miles apart, the conception that the earth is round, 
the creation of a national epic: such are a few ex- 
amples of marked deviations. 
(9) Inventions are neutral. They may destroy 
or construct society. A new chemical combination INVENTION AND LEADERSHIP 
165 
can be used to human advantage or disadvantage. 
The invention of gunpowder, nitroglycerin, TNT 
may be made the servants or the destroyers of man. 
The printing press is an instrument for carrying the 
best socialized teachings of the New Testament 
around the world, or to disseminate morbid inde- 
cencies. An aeroplane may carry food to dying 
children or bombs to destroy children. 
(10) Inventions are cyclical. An ordinary in- 
vention passes through a cycle of existence. Tarde 
has recognized three stages in such a cycle—an in- 
cline, a plateau, and a decline.4 (a) The incline is 
often very sloping. Inventions are sometimes ac- 
cepted with great reluctance and after long delays. 
The steam engine, traveling at the fearful rate of 
ten or fifteen miles an hour, was long considered by 
many people a work of the devil. The automobile 
has received readier acceptance. The steepness of 
the incline of common adoption depends upon the 
nature and the number of the prejudices which 
must be vanquished and upon the mental speed and 
activity of the people. A book that is far ahead of 
the age in which it appears will likely remain unrec- 
ognized during the life-time of the author. Bee- 
thoven died almost unknown. Mendel’s laws of he- 
redity were not recognized until forty years after 
their discovery. 
(b) The plateaux of an invention may be short 
* The Laws of Imitation, pp. 126, 158, 174. 166 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
or long, depending upon its usefulness and the men- 
tal activity of its environment. A “best seller” may 
remain such for only one month or it may continue 
such for twenty months. The bicycle enjoyed a 
short-lived popularity, because of the perfecting of 
the more serviceable automobile. The sailing vessel 
enjoyed first place for centuries as a means of ocean 
transportation, until the steamboat demonstrated 
its greater utility. 
(c) The decline may be abrupt or gradual. As a 
rule the decline is gently sloping, for an invention 
that is widely adopted acquires the sanction of cus- 
tom and holds on with tenacity long after it has 
been superseded in serviceability by another inven- 
tion. Inventions tend to become encased in the 
feelings, and to die slowly. Superstitions possess a 
long drawn out decline. Occasionally, however, an 
invention is made, such as a new machine or a new 
industrial process, and established machines and 
processes are discarded suddenly. 
There are many inventions which live on—with 
no decline in sight, such as the ethical teachings in 
the New Testament, the metric system, printing, 
the idea that the earth is spherical. Others survive 
as parts of new and better inventions, such as the 
wheel—in the wheelbarrow, the wagon, the automo- 
bile, the watch. 
(11) Inventions are cumulative. Inventing leads 
to further inventing. Inventing may become ha- 
bitual. INVENTION AND LEADERSHIP 
167 
The succession of inventions is not entirely acci- 
dental. America could hardly have been discovered 
by Europeans through conscious plans until the 
idea had been conceived and accepted that the earth 
is round. The wagon could not have been invented 
before the wheel; the sailing vessel, before the boat; 
cooking processes, before the discovery of fire; the 
watch-spring, before steel. Therefore there is a logic 
of inventions as well as of events. 
Inventions produce inventions. They are grega- 
rious ; they come in droves. Every valuable inven- 
tion releases possibilities of further inventions. In- 
ventions are not entirely sporadic, but follow one 
another in a rough sequence. 
No invention is complete and final. Every inven- 
tion presages others. An invention is a potential 
parent of generations of unborn inventions. The 
pressure upon the truly imaginative, thoughtful per- 
son to invent is strong. Persons are called to be 
creators and joint heirs with the Great Creator. 
(12) Civilization is an invention. We live in a 
world of inventions. Through imitation, inventions 
are omnipresent. Every word in this book is the 
invention of some one. The chair in which you sit; 
the pictures upon the walls; the building which 
houses you; food, from the rolled oats or puffed 
wheat in the morning to the Neapolitan ice cream 
in the evening are inventions. In eating, your 
hands and mouth are busy with inventions. The 168 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
automobile, the street, the office, the telephone, the 
alphabet, language—all is invention. We live and 
move and have our being in invention. 
Civilization is a synthesis of inventions. How 
many invented processes are combined in the foun- 
tain pen or the typewriter with which I work. Con- 
sider the inventions in a baseball game. Who can 
disentangle and write the history of the inventions 
in the Constitution of the United States? 
Everything and every idea bears the injunction: 
Let us invent. Educational systems have over- 
worked imitation, but scarcely tapped the possibil- 
ities of encouraging invention. Individuality, initi- 
ative, concentration,invention, creation—this is the 
logic of invention. 
2. Elements of Leadership. Leadership arises 
from the self-assertive impulses of personality. It 
is a crystallization of self-initiative. Tendencies 
to think, to act, to achieve are basic to leadership. 
In a similar way the curiosity impulses and prob- 
lem-solving impulses are fundamental. 
Individuality produces leadership. Every person 
possesses by birth some characteristics which dis- 
tinguish him from every one else. It is this margin 
of uniqueness which gives each individual a natural 
leadership advantage. When we describe a person 
as a round peg in a square hole, or as having missed 
his calling, we mean that he has ignored his margin 
of natural uniqueness. Vocational guidance par- INVENTION AND LEADERSHIP 
169 
tially depends upon discovering the individual’s 
margin of variation. This margin gives every per- 
son a field of development and activity in which no 
one else can compete with him. In this non-com- 
petitive phase of personality there is unlimited room 
for self-expression, invention, leadership. 
Out of this margin individuality develops. 
Uniqueness of inherited traits combined with 
uniqueness of experience spells individuality. Thus 
every person builds up a point of view which is dis- 
tinctly his own, which sets him off from all his fel- 
lows, and which is the essence of originality. 
A fine physique is essential for certain types of 
leadership and helpful in all. As a substitute for a 
tall stature, Napoleon appeared before his soldiers 
on a horse. E. B. Gowin found that the executives 
of insurance companies are taller in stature than 
the average person who holds an insurance policy, 
that bishops are taller than the rank and file of 
clergymen, university presidents than presidents of 
small colleges, city superintendents than principals 
in small towns, sales managers than salesmen, rail- 
road presidents than station agents.5 The group 
ranks a tall man superior to a short man, but the 
group judges unscientifically. 
‘These leaders also weigh more than average individuals, but they are 
undoubtedly better fed and better cared for physically—circumstances 
which partially explain the greater weight, and are a result as well as a 
cause. Cf. E. B. Gowin, The Executive and His Control of Men, which 
contains a large amount of data upon leadership of the executive type. 170 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Physical energy and endurance are more impor- 
tant qualifications than height alone. They more 
than compensate for stature. In the long run they 
enable the individual to build a reputation and to 
make a record of achievement which are essential to 
permanent leadership. 
Mental energy and endurance is a more conse- 
quential element in leadership than physical abili- 
ties. In the clash of mind with mind superior psy- 
chical qualities quickly assert themselves and win 
recognition. It is unfortunate, however, that count- 
less persons sacrifice physical energy in securing 
one-sided development of mentality. Pity rather 
than praise is justly accorded the college “grind,” 
or the business man who sacrifices health for finan- 
cial success. “I work fifteen hours a day,” proudly 
asserts a professional leader, but later finds himself 
the victim of nervous and physical exhaustion and 
unable to enjoy the fruits of his,i achievements as a 
leader. 
A still more important factor in leadership is lo- 
calization of psychic energy.0 The genius is a per- 
son whose psychic energy is highly focalized. If the 
process has been carried out by nature, the product 
is the born-genius. If the focalization is done by 
the individual himself, the result is a genius by hard 
work and concentration. The first is a genius by 
* A term used by Lester F. Ward, Pure Sociology, p. 36. Cf. Ch. XVIII 
of Pure Sociology. INVENTION AND LEADERSHIP 
171 
inheritance; the second, by personal initiative. The 
born-genius has had the nature and type of the fo- 
calization of his psychic energy determined for him, 
for example, in the line of artistic or of mathemati- 
cal ability. The genius by hard work chooses for 
himself the direction in which he shall focalize his 
energies—vocational counsellors have an important 
function to perform in the making of this type of 
genius. The persistent concentration of the atten- 
tion of an ordinary person in one line of mental en- 
deavor will give that individual the rank of a leader 
in that sphere. 
Furthermore, a leader must be a “moral dynamo.” 
He must command confidence and respect to a spe- 
cial degree. Ideally, he must be master of himself 
before he can maintain the esteem and especially 
the loyalty of others. To the extent that he does 
not possess supreme control of his own passions and 
desires he is handicapped in controlling other peo- 
ple. Oftentimes he must have moral courage to 
stand out from his fellows and even against them. 
He must not allow himself to be blown about or to 
run slavishly with the crowd and public opinion. 
The successful leader must possess superior in- 
nate ability and faith in his own powers. He must 
not boast or swagger, but exhibit poise, indifference, 
and self-control under danger. By virtue of his ex- 
ceptional ability, of his faith, and of his poise, he is 
somewhat inscrutable. It was the inscrutableness, 172 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
for example, of Washington and Grant which in- 
creased their leadership-prestige. 
The leader is a seer. At least he sees clearly a 
few of the fundamental needs of his group. He sees 
through these problems to their solutions. He per- 
ceives what the times demand more clearly than do 
his fellows; he possesses more foresight than they. 
He is reasonable—socially reasonable. When he 
works through group problems adequately and 
practically, a position of leadership is assured him. 
The leader is emanatory. He throws out one 
idea or suggestion after another. His followers turn 
to him for new ideas and proposals as plants turn 
toward the sun for light and heat. He sends out 
programs. Dr. Francis E. Clark, or “Father” Clark, 
the founder of the United Society of Christian En- 
deavor, announced a new two-year program at each 
biennial convention. One program would not be 
carried out completely before another would be 
enunciated. 
The leader possesses authority, either personal or 
civil. Personal authority springs from ability plus 
training. Civil authority comes from appointment 
or election to office, and carries with it the prestige 
of public position or rank. The inefficient may re- 
ceive political preferment and occupy for a time a 
position of leadership. The possession of either per- 
sonal or civil authority may overbalance the indi- 
vidual and create an autocrat. INVENTION AND LEADERSHIP 
173 
The ability to organize individuals often makes a 
leader. To arouse individuals in support of a new 
cause, formulate plans of organization, analyze the 
abilities of each individual,.and see that each seeks 
and finds his proper place in the organized whole— 
these traits constitute leadership. 
The leader must be worthy of obedience. Loy- 
alty is at least one-half of all leadership-obedience 
phenomena. Obedience implies confidence in the 
purposes of the leader. A person with social pur- 
poses commands social power. In brief, leadership 
involves societary problems, concentrated attention 
upon these problems, trial and error methods, 
searching for correct solutions, and the discovery 
and the enacting of societary programs. 
3. Types of Leadership. Leaders fall into differ- 
ent classes according to their methods of exercising 
influence over other persons. For example, a leader 
may drive or draw. In a military, autocratic coun- 
try the former type predominates; in a democratic 
nation, the latter form receives recognition. Among 
semi-civilized tribes leaders are usually of the arbi- 
trary type; among highly civilized Christian peo- 
ples, leaders develop the finer qualities of mag- 
netism. 
The autocratic leader is commonly a representa- 
tive of a powerful organization. He personifies bor- 
rowed force, he frequently appropriates impersonal, 
arbitrary ways from the institution which fosters 174 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
him. In a democracy autocrats are hated. If the 
leader shows by his speech and actions that he con- 
siders himself a social superior, he courts down- 
fall. Discouraged private soldiers are often heard 
to say: “I’m through with saluting officers.” If 
pressed to explain their attitude, they commonly 
reply: “When we were overseas, our officers ‘rode’ 
us.” Ordinarily, autocracy has no place among the 
leaders in a democracy. 
The magnetic leader, on the other hand, is char- 
acterized by his willingness to serve. He is human. 
He is of the herd and like a good shepherd. He 
must not get too far ahead of his group lest its mem- 
bers fail to recognize him and ignore him or even 
crucify him. If a leader sincerely and unostenta- 
tiously meets group needs, he will command not 
only the respect, but the love of his followers. 
Leaders are primarily executive or intellectual. 
The difference is partly in heredity and partly in 
concentration of attention. The executive is char- 
acterized by greater physical force, “push,” and en- 
ergy, but by less breadth of knowledge and by less 
depth of theoretical thinking than the intellectual 
leader. He is usually in closer contact with people 
and community conditions, and is more red-blood- 
ed and aggressive. He generally commands the 
higher salary and receives recognition from society 
sooner than the leader in scientific, or literary 
thought. The intellectual leader works for ends that INVENTION AND LEADERSHIP 
175 
are farther removed, leads a less exhaustive life, en- 
joys greater freedom, and by later generations is 
often rated higher. 
Leaders are either group manipulators, group rep- 
resentatives, group builders, or group originators.7 
The group manipulator is sensitive to group emo- 
tions and able to express in agreeable ways the de- 
sires of the people. Often by oratorical or spectac- 
ular methods, he obtains wide popularity, political 
preferment, or great wealth. As a rule he fails to 
give his constituents adequate returns for their in- 
vestment in him. His objective is not their advan- 
tage but his own gain. He frequently leads his fol- 
lowers after false gods. Having once gained the 
confidence of the group, he forces his will upon his 
victims. He often hypnotizes his constituents. In 
this class there is the advertiser who announces 
something which catches the fancy but possesses 
little utility or beauty, the seller of oil stock who 
makes dazzling forecasts, the ward boss who prom- 
ises his listeners a new era of prosperity. The group 
manipulator takes note of the vague desires of the 
crowd, crystallizes these inchoate yearnings, and 
capitalizes them in terms of personal aggrandize- 
ment. He drives his subjects hither and yon at vital 
sacrifices to themselves and not infrequently to his 
7 The classification of leaders which is given by Martin Conway in The 
Crowd in Peace and War, Chapters VI-VIII, unduly expands the crowd 
concept, and at the same time inadequately provides for genuine group 
builders and originators. 176 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
own ultimate destruction. His strength is in his 
understanding of human nature and in his hypnotic 
influence. When these fail, he is lost. No leader 
can eventually succeed who smothers or stamps out 
the self-expression of the group members. 
The group representative, while a personification 
of the unexpressed feelings as well as of the formu- 
lated opinions of his constituents, is also the spokes- 
man of their will. A judge is a group representative. 
Under the pure democratic form of a republic, the 
legislator is expected to represent public opinion. 
In our country, we often fail to keep our legislators 
apprised concerning our attitudes even on funda- 
mental issues—unless we represent professionally a 
special interest. As a result, legislators are contin- 
ually subjected to the danger of degenerating into 
manipulators or “politicians.” 
The group builder, in the deepest sense of the 
term, tries to find out the best interests of his group 
and to lead accordingly. Selfish desires are taboo. 
The concern of such a leader is entirely in the wel- 
fare of his fellows and in helping them to live and 
act together with increasing harmony, justice, and 
progress. He is willing to give up his life that the 
group may be saved. He determines the causes of 
social friction, injustice, or inertia, outlines steps 
of reconstruction, and pilots the way. The group 
builder works through all the good will that he can 
summon. He organizes social good will within his INVENTION AND LEADERSHIP 
177 
group and harmonizes antagonistic attitudes wher- 
ever possible without sacrificing societary principles. 
If he must antagonize, he proceeds in a social spir- 
it and wherever feasible substitutes understanding 
for ignorance, good will for ill, and organization for 
chaotic strife. He does not try to conquer, for con- 
quering, per se, fails to win respect and love, and 
leads to the dangerous desire for further conquer- 
ing. The group builder tries to discover what is 
harmonious, just, and constructive for his group, 
and then endeavors to weave these ideals into the 
life of his group. 
The group originator is first possessed by a great 
idea. From that basis he proceeds to the winning of 
individuals to the acceptance of that idea. He may 
press forward through organized effort—the com- 
mon method today—or by unorganized activities, 
as in the case of the Founder of Christianity. He 
aims to create leaders, to stimulate the spirit of 
leadership in conjunction with the spirit of obedi- 
ence in every individual, and to provide for the 
largest and richest development of personalities. 
4. The Nature of Genius. Special talent and 
genius are generic to leadership in all fields, but 
what are the conditions under which these qualities 
mature? The biologists have not yet given a satis- 
factory explanation of the appearance of special 
talent and of genius. The fundamental causes are 
not known. Special ability is as likely, or almost 178 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
as likely, to appear in a child who is born in a tene- 
ment as in one who is born in a mansion. 
The appearance of special ability is not confined 
to one sex. Historically, woman did not have op- 
portunity to translate her latent talent into achieve- 
ment, and hence it is not known how much ability 
woman possesses. In recent decades, however, in 
our country, woman has been forging ahead rap- 
idly and availing herself of increasing opportunities 
—a tendency which presages a greatly augmented 
degree of leadership on her part. In competing with 
men in nearly all lines of human endeavor she is 
demonstrating her versatile abilities. In the public 
schools today girls remain long after boys become 
uneasy and leave. As a class, women are availing 
themselves of a more liberal education than are 
men. Since a liberal education is basic to societaiy 
leadership, women may attain the controlling po- 
sitions in forming public opinion and hence of de- 
termining the nature of social progress. 
It is generally admitted—a point of vast signifi- 
cance—that more geniuses are born than ever at- 
tain prominence. The belief of Galton that every 
genius will overcome his environment and push his 
way through to eminence8 is ill founded. Disease, 
poverty, immoral conduct and similar factors pre- 
vent potential geniuses from reaching the maturity 
of their powers and even cause deaths in adoles- 
1Hereditary Genius. INVENTION AND LEADERSHIP 
179 
cence or childhood. The contention of Lombroso 
that the genius is a pathological phenomenon, to be 
treated as a mental degenerate, or even as an insane 
person,9 finds support in many instances, but as a 
rule is manifestly without scientific standing. The 
strength of the argument lies in the fact that genius 
often represents such a high degree of focalization of 
psychic energy in some one direction that the indi- 
vidual may easily become unbalanced. 
If we grant that far more geniuses are born than 
become eminent, we must learn the causes of this 
social loss. The heart of the matter is found in the 
answer to the question: What are the necessary con- 
ditions for the maturing of genius? Odin,10 a French 
writer of the nineteenth century, Lester F. Ward,11 
and recently, G. R. Davies12 have discussed with 
increasing scientific accuracy the decisive factors in 
transforming inherited talent and special ability 
into actual achievement. A study of the facts shows 
five fundamental conditions. (1) A social envi- 
ronment which is mentally stimulating is necessary. 
Genius cannot mature under a widespread spell of 
mental stagnation. There must be mental contacts 
which strike fire and some general appreciation of 
the achievements that a genius can effect. 
(2) As a rule, thorough training is necessary. 
There are few successes today that do not rest upon 
' The Man of Genius. 
11 Applied Sociology, Part II. 
10 Genhe des grands hommes. 
13 Social Environment, Ch. IV. 180 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
a complete mastery of the given fields. It is be- 
coming increasingly true that special ability must 
have a commensurate scholastic and practical train- 
ing as a basis for complete self-expression. The 
greater the potential ability the more valuable an 
extensive and intensive training. The education 
of the individual must begin early in life, proceed 
systematically, and be prolonged in order that all 
the potential qualities may be fully and permanent- 
ly developed. 
(3) There must be freedom from the struggle for 
bread. If energy is continually expended in secur- 
ing the necessities of life, genius is hampered. There 
must be sufficient means, as a rule, to provide op- 
portunities of travel and research. The individual 
must be free to provide himself with the best tools 
and to furnish himself with the best equipment that 
is available—or else fall below his largest possibil- 
ities. 
(4) Genius must Occupy a position of self-respect 
and of social respect. A genius is handicapped if he 
grows up in a neighborhood of vile associates, as a 
member of a despised race, or where luxury spreads 
an enervating virus. 
(5) If genius is not socialized, it may be wasted 
in anarchistic or anti-social directions. A large 
amount of special ability is squandered simply be- 
cause it works at cross purposes with fundamental 
social processes. INVENTION AND LEADERSHIP 
181 
Geniuses by virtue of deliberate focalization are 
far more numerous than born-geniuses. They are 
better balanced, more practical, but less brilliant 
and spectacular. They are the product of the indi- 
vidual’s freedom of choice. If nature has not fo- 
calized one’s psychic energy for him, he may do so 
for himself. 
A genius is often a person “who takes infinite 
pains.” Many a student deservedly ranks high, be- 
cause of his capacity to work indefinitely at the de- 
tails of his tasks, while at the same time he gives 
proper attention to fundamentals. A former stu- 
dent of mine who is now a university president 
would work incessantly in making accurate and il- 
luminating charts and graphs to illustrate his pa- 
pers in each of his classes. He continually did more 
than was required ;he won promotion partly be- 
cause he worked painstakingly. 
In summing up the discussion on genius it should 
be said that genius tends to create its own oppor- 
tunities, but that it often fails. An unenlightened 
environment often fails to give ability encourage- 
ment or even recognition, and it dies out unrecog- 
nized by even its possessor. The impingement of 
the economic and social environment often crushes 
out genius. It has been estimated that for every 
genius among the poorer classes who attains prom- 
inence, 99 remain potential or are early crushed 
out. Society must come to the rescue. Complete 182 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
education of the poorer classes will create more op- 
portunities for development of talent and genius 
than these traits can make for themselves. 
In this connection vocational guidance has func- 
tions of the greatest importance. It must develop 
methods for detecting geniuses and persons who are 
capable of becoming geniuses by hard work. A still 
more important function is to diagnose adolescents 
and encourage them to enter lines of activity, not 
primarily where they can earn the most money, but 
where they can best express their whole personal- 
ities. From the development of a rich personality 
arises the deepest joys of life and the greatest oppor- 
tunities for societary leadership. 
The summary concerning genius involves certain 
conclusions regarding the larger field of leadership. 
In times of social change, unrest, and transition, 
leadership is at a premium. In periods of grave so- 
cial disturbance and distress, the autocratic leader 
is the hero; in the decades of gradual social evolu- 
tion, the magnetic leader is the effective director of 
human events. Since much of the misery of the 
world has been marked by social upheaval and since 
the world loves the heroic and the spectacular, the 
hero type of leadership has been exalted and the 
quiet, pervasive, and magnetic type underrated. 
Under all conditions the social problem-solver be- 
comes the effective leader, and the world’s problem- 
solvers become the world’s leaders. Society, on the INVENTION AND LEADERSHIP 
183 
other hand, must provide society-wide education 
and other favoring advantages in order that prob- 
lem-solving ability may have ample opportunities 
for unfolding. The world’s problem-solvers who 
succeed furthest in turning achievement into human 
improvement and who are the most successful in 
stimulating the socialized creative spirit and in en- 
riching the quality of personalities are the world’s 
greatest leaders. 
PROBLEMS 
1. Can you name anything that you daily use which is 
not an invention? 
2. Why are so many of the persons who have made in- 
ventions unknown to us? 
3. What psychic characteristics are essential in an in- 
ventor? 
4. Explain: The time is ripe for an invention. 
5. If it is natural to invent, why do we not invent more 
than we do? 
6. Explain: There are few persons who are qualified 
to use inventions. 
7. Distinguish between invention and leadership. 
8. Distinguish between copying and adopting the meth* 
ods of others. 
9. Can you name an invention which is not used both 
for and against the welfare of society? 
10. If Edison had lived in Central Africa, what would 
have been the nature of his inventions? 184 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
11. What five inventions come first to your mind as the 
world’s greatest inventions? 
12. Describe the probable mental process which immedi- 
ately preceded the invention of the bow and arrow. 
13. What is meant by individual ascendancy as opposed 
to social ascendancy? 
14. Is “the proverbial individualism of the farmer” the 
same as individuality and potential leadership? 
15. Why are we blind to the extent of our indebtedness 
to society and “therefore apt to imagine our individuality 
much more pronounced than it actually is” ? 
16. When is one’s personality at its lowest ebb? 
17. Are leaders egotists? 
18. Explain: Be your own Thomas A. Edison. 
19. Illustrate: A leader represents a focalization of psy- 
chic energy. 
20. Explain: It is the work of a leader “to pull triggers 
in the minds of his followers.” 
21. Are boys who are reared in wealthy homes, or in 
poor homes, the more likely to become good leaders? 
22. Should a leader draw or drive people? 
23. What are the characteristics of a successful yell 
leader? 
24. Why do the sons of leaders such as self-made men, 
rarely show the qualities of leadership ■which their fathers 
manifested? 
25. Why is the term, “self-made” man, erroneous? 
26. Have “all advances in civilization” been due to lead- 
ers? 
27. Would you say that “the obtrusiveness of personality 
and temperament in literature, painting, and music is a sign 
of advancement or a mark of backwardness” ? 
28. Should leadership in the family be centered in one 
person, or should the leadership be divided? INVENTION AND LEADERSHIP 
185 
29. Do women generally vote as their husbands indicate 
or do they exercise independent judgment? 
30. Are the rural or the urban communities in the United 
States in the greater need of leadership? 
31. Why are some of the world’s most valuable leaders 
unpopular? 
32. When should a leader be an agitator; when, a com- 
promiser; and when, a “standpatter” ? 
33. In what ways can you distinguish between a dema- 
gogue and a statesman? 
READINGS 
Baldwin, J. M., Social and Ethical Interpretations, Chs. 
III-V. 
The Individual and Society, Ch. V. 
Bristol, L. M., Social Adaptation, Chs. XII, XIII. 
Cooley, C. H., Human Nature and the Social Order, Ch. IX. 
Social Organization, Chs. XXIII, XXIV. 
Social Process, Ch. VI. 
Davies, G. R., Social Environment, Ch. IV. 
Galton, Francis, Hereditary Genius. 
Gowin, E. B., The Executive and his Control of Men. 
Knowlson, T. S., Originality. 
Mach, E., “On the Part Played by Accident in Invention 
and Discovery,” Monist, 111:161-75. 
Marot, Helen, The Creative Impulse in Industry. 
Mason, O. T., The Origins of Invention. 
Mumford, Eben, “The Origins of Leadership,” Amer. Jour. 
of Social., XII: 216-40, 367-97, 500-31. 
Paulhan, F., Psychologie de Vinvention, livre II. 
Ross, E. A., Social Control, Ch. XXI. 186 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Tanner, Amy E., “Certain Social Aspects of Invention,” 
Amer. Jour, of Psychol., 26: 388-416. 
Tarde, Gabriel, La Logique Sociale, Ch. IV. 
The Laws of Imitation, Ch. V. 
Taussig, F. W., Inventors and Money-Makers, Chs. I, II. 
Terman, L. M., “The Psychology and Pedagogy of Leader- 
ship,” Pedagogical Sem., XI: 113-51. 
Todd, A. J., Theories of Social Progress, Chs. X, XXVI, 
XXVII. 
Ward, L. F., Psychic Factors in Civilization, Chs. XXVII- 
XXXI. 
Applied Sociology, Part II. 
Pure Sociology, Chs. XVIII, XIX. Chapter VI 
THE NATURE OF GROUPS 
One cannot think of leaders without also con- 
ceiving of followers. Ross has referred to individ- 
ual ascendancy (referring to leadership) and to so- 
cial ascendancy (referring to group dominance).1 
Out of this margin individuality develops. 
In other words there is constant interaction between 
leaders and their groups, each influencing the other 
in a multiplicity of ways. While a leader may cre- 
ate a group and is continually influencing groups, it 
is also true that a group may create a leader and is 
continually influencing the behavior of leaders. In 
this latter connection a basic conception is that of 
group priority. 
1. Priority of Groups. The principle of group 
priority is basic to the concept of imitation as de- 
veloped by Tarde.2 Imitation is more a product of 
group life than is group life a resultant of it. Imi- 
tation assumes individualistic units becoming like 
one another, whereas group priority presupposes a 
common ground for the rise of individuals whose 
1 Social Psychology, p. 4. 
* The Laws of Imitation (Holt, 1903). 188 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
differences have their group origins and may need 
to be equalized through imitation.3 
Group priority is also basic to the principle of 
like-mindedness.4 It partially explains why indi- 
viduals are like-minded and why they respond simi- 
larly to like stimuli. It gives a unified background 
to individual differences as well as to individual 
likenesses.5 
The principle of group priority6 arises out of a 
comparative study of the concrete facts regarding 
the individual and the group. At birth, the human 
infant is an inchoate mass of impulses, reflexes, and 
potential responses to simple stimuli. He is physi- 
cally, psychically, and socially helpless, and with- 
out social aid could not survive more than a few 
days. His life is maintained only between narrow 
temperature limits, and only when nourished by 
the simplest of foods. Not being able to creep or 
walk, to talk, or to care for himself, he is a classic 
illustration of helplessness. As an individual or- 
ganism, however, he is several months old at birth, 
and hence when considered as a pre-natal being, his 
helplessness reaches the lowest thinkable level. 
By contradistinction, let us look at the ordinary 
* M. P. Follett, The New State (Longmans, Green, 1920), p. 37. 
4 F. H. Giddings, Principles of Sociology (Macmillan, 1896), p. 17 ff. 
* Op. cit. 
* See article by this title by the writer in the Journal of Applied Sociol., 
VII: 84-87. THE NATURE OF GROUPS 
189 
group environment into which he is brought at 
birth. There is his parental group with its estab- 
lished language, its developed beliefs, and iron clad 
rules of conduct, its religious traditions and con- 
victions. These all-powerful parental forces are 
made up out of neighborhood, national, racial, and 
cultural heritages millenniums old. They are often 
permeated by titanic superstitions, and by interpre- 
tations of life that have been passed from genera- 
tion to generation and possess all the force of the 
ages. Compare the hoary age and the tremendous 
power of these group forces with the weak naivete 
of the new born babe. 
Then, when we consider the inherited traits which 
are combined in a new human organism, we find 
them largely the products of group survival. Pa- 
rents, grandparents, great grandparents, generation 
before generation, were reared in groups, lived only 
as unit mmbers of groups, and were subject to the 
laws of group control and survival. An infant could 
have no hereditary equipment and hence no life, 
had there not been group priority for one, two, and 
many generations before his own life began. 
Assuming that an infant could by some means or 
other succeed in living outside of groups, how far 
would he develop mentally, socially, and personally, 
under non-group conditions? Suppose that from 
birth he could live as it is alleged Caspar Hauser 
lived, namely, by himself, with food being left for 190 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
him by someone whom he never saw and with whom 
he did not communicate in any way. What would 
this individual, growing up remote from group life, 
resemble at the age of twenty or forty years? What 
language would he speak? Would he have learned 
to cook food? In what kind of a house would he 
live? What kind of thoughts would he think, about 
what, for instance? 
Through groups, languages, beliefs, inventions of 
all sorts, civilization has been transmitted from gen- 
eration to generation, and now and then added unto 
and expanded. Take away the medium of group 
transmission, and the infant of today would have 
to begin in a far simpler, cruder way than the Nean- 
derthal man began. Without the priority that is 
represented in group transmission of civilization, 
the modern infant would be helpless before animal 
life of all forms, even those of insect levels. With- 
out the powrer that group transmission of ideas rep- 
resents to buoy him up on the strong wings of civi- 
lization, he, or even the most mature of us, would 
not have a chance of surviving long under the en- 
gulfing conditions which would be operating . 
Only individuals survive who respond to group 
stimuli; all others have died without offspring. We 
who now survive are the descendants of a group- 
responding ancestry. The reason for this fact is 
found in the helplessness of infancy. Without the 
aid of a parent or some one else the human infant THE NATURE OF GROUPS 
191 
could survive only a few days. And the reason for 
the helplessness of infancy is in the necessity for 
time in developing a highly complex human being. 
Eliminate this complex development and prolonga- 
tion of infancy would not be necessary. Eliminate 
prolongation of infancy, and offspring, at least a 
small percentage, might survive with social aid, but 
such specimens would be merely the simpler forms 
of animal life. It is out of this group response trait 
of individuals that the gregarious habits and similar 
specific tendencies become organized. 
Individuals vary in their group response mech- 
anisms. Some respond almost automatically to any 
command of the group and make good followers in 
the sense of quickly reacting but decidedly poor 
group members when the group is wrong and headed 
toward its own destruction. Other individuals re- 
spond only slowly or belatedly to group influence. 
They are useful when the group is mistaken, but 
are apt to develop the habit of opposing all group 
projects and hence may become nuisances. It is 
from this type of persons though, that some of the 
world’s best leaders have come. 
He who proclaims himself self made, is naively 
taking a narrow and ego-centric view, and is neg- 
lecting the facts which may show that he is a mere 
pygmy, catching perhaps, a few material trifles on 
the vast, billowy waves of civilization. He is far 
more group made than self made, having been given 192 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
the advantages of languages, literatures, inventions, 
cultures, that have taken ages to make and that 
have been preserved and transmitted. 
2. Temporary Groups. A large amount of 
grouping is purely temporary. A conversational 
group may consist of two strangers only who casu- 
ally meet on a street corner, and whose contacts 
may consist of the simplest and most perfunctory 
talk that lasts only for a few minutes. In this most 
temporary of groups the persons are not wholly 
“strangersthey probably know one another’s lan- 
guage, dress more or less similarly, have an ele- 
mental confidence in one another, and a mutually 
social spirit. The conversation and the temporary 
grouping are made possible by the social elements in 
their common human nature and experiences, even 
though they be entirely unaware of these mutual- 
ities. 
Temporary groups may spring up primarily on 
feeling and emotional bases. The crowd is the best 
known type of temporary grouping. Its common 
interpretation varies greatly, being made inclusive 
by Le Bon7 of almost any organization of the 
masses, that is, of the proletariat. There is no rea- 
son, however, to identify crowds and the proleta- 
riat ; moreover, crowds do not include all temporary 
groupings. A crowd is any number of persons in 
the physical presence of each other who have com- 
7 The Crowd (London, 1903). THE NATURE OF GROUPS 
193 
mon objects of attention and who are governed 
more by their feelings than by careful thinking. The 
feeling and emotional factors are easily excited and 
the crowd quickly mobilizes itself into a mob or a 
panic; the mob seeks some person or object upon 
which to wreak vengeance; the panic is a group that 
flees from some phenomenon that has aroused fear. 
Some groups are heterogeneous, i. e., are com- 
posed of persons who at given times possess con- 
flicting purposes. A number of persons at a busy 
street corner are a heterogeneous group—they have 
varied purposes and are going in different direc- 
tions. The real crowd is homogeneous; its members 
have a common aim. Further, each member is 
aware that the other individuals are stirred by the 
same purposes as he is. 
The homogeneous crowd must have a leader. It 
moves frantically until it gets a leader. The mem- 
bers of a homogeneous crowd ordinarily suffer a 
lessened sense of individual responsibility, because 
responsibility is distributed among all. Anonymity 
tends to prevail. Excitement reigns, feelings rise, 
and the rational processes of thought are hindered. 
The members experience a heightened state of sug- 
gestibility. People act less rationally when under 
crowd influence than as individuals. Feelings rath- 
er than reason secure control. Crowds act quickly 
but reason slowly. The crowd is recidivistic; its 
members revert to lower standards than ordinarily. 194 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Freedom of speech is rarely tolerated by a crowd; 
anyone who attacks the follies of the crowd is hoot- 
ed. A crowd of capitalist financiers would refuse to 
listen to the harangue of a Bolshevist; and a crowd 
of bolshevists would not sit supinely under the 
tongue-lashing of a capitalist. 
A person who makes an important decision while 
under the influence of the crowd has a hard struggle 
before him, for his feelings may have been aroused 
and left suspended without sufficient rational and 
habitual support. Such decisions must usually be 
followed consistently by personal, thoughtful, and 
sincere attention on the part of interested people 
or by a change of environment so that the social 
stimuli may aid the crowd-made decisions. 
To get people together in a crowd offers a quick 
way to unify them. But the charlatan and moun- 
tebank are prone to manipulate people through 
crowd influence, whereas the educated advocate 
confines himself to addressing assemblies. To ad- 
dress a crowd one must usually belittle his rational 
self and reap a harvest of unstable decisions. More 
wild enthusiasm for a given project can be cre- 
ated in a crowd than anywhere else. But such en- 
thusiasm is generally swift to vanish—it lacks the 
depth which is worthy of any important enterprise. 
There are spectator crowds and participator 
crowds. The spectator crowd may be single- or 
double-minded; it may be united or bi-partisan. THE NATURE OF GROUPS 
195 
The bi-partisan spectator crowd is in constant dan- 
ger of degenerating. An athletic contest brings out 
two spectator crowds. First one spectator crowd 
and then the other will give vent to expressions such 
as these: “Kill them,” “Give them the axe.” If the 
contest is close, the members of both spectator 
crowds will likely give way to their feelings and re- 
vert to blindly biased and almost savage partisan- 
ship—forgetting that the fundamental element in 
the contest is to afford physical training to all the 
members of both teams and exhibitions of skill for 
the enjoyment of the onlookers. The evils of inter- 
collegiate athletics thrive because of recidivistic 
tendencies of spectator crowds. There would be no 
intercollegiate football games were it not for the 
presence of spectators—hence the responsibility of 
spectator crowds is grave. If the influence of such 
a crowd causes students literally to hate neighbor- 
ing educational institutions, then the main func- 
tions of athletics and of education alike have been 
prostituted. 
The participator crowd is a mob. It is a group of 
people who stone, smash, frighten, burn, kill. The 
participator crowd may be constructive, but usually 
becomes vicious. The mob is a group of persons in 
an unusually high state of suggestibility. It is a 
crowd that has become frantic. It is not necessarily 
a group of ignorant or wicked persons, but often a 
group of ordinarily intelligent individuals who for 196 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
the time being have resigned their individual stand- 
ards. The mob is a monster, possessing gigantic 
power which causes it to throb throughout its be- 
ing. It is a tornado, using its pent-up forces irre- 
sponsibly and ruthlessly. 
The mob curve rises by a succession of curves 
until the objective of the mob is attained or until 
its force is spent. Then the curve falls rapidly, al- 
most helplessly perpendicular. 
Panic is a mob phenomenon that is caused by 
sudden and overwhelming fear. Napoleon was right 
when he instructed his officers to tell their men of 
danger beforehand in a quiet, non-exaggerated way. 
In a panic the self-preservation impulses rule abso- 
lutely and violently. 
On September 28, 1919, when the mayor of Om- 
aha attempted to quiet the mob that was searching 
for a Negro, the mob threw a rope around the neck 
of the mayor, dragged him, and attempted to hang 
him—the chief executive of a metropolitan city and 
the elected representative of law and order. It is 
clear, therefore, that such a mob is a relic of barbar- 
ism ; it has no useful function in a democratic state, 
built upon principles of legal justice. The atrocities 
which a mob will commit, whether it be a mob of 
Russian or Polish peasants in a “pogrom” or a mob 
of American citizens in a lynching escapade are exe- 
crable. They can successfully be prevented only by 
a new birth of respect for social order and system- 
atic progress. THE NATURE OF GROUPS 
197 
An assembly is a group of people in which ideas 
rather than feelings are struggling with one another 
for supremacy. An assembly is characterized by 
dignity, order, and thoughtfulness. It is so closely 
related to the crowd that it is subject to reversion 
at any moment to the crowd or mob. An assembly 
is a group of people who are controlled by cultural 
habits and by parliamentary rules of order. On oc- 
casion an assembly as dignified as the United States 
Senate defies the controlling sense of individual and 
social decorum and the rules of order. 
Parliamentary rules have been compared by Ross 
to a straight jacket upon a monster which is in con- 
stant danger of breaking loose.8 Rules of order 
function in keeping feelings down and the reason in 
charge. Personalities are taboo, the chair must al- 
ways be addressed, the voting must be by aye and 
nay, and order must at all times be observed. Par- 
liamentary rules at best are brittle hoops and easily 
snap. Let one man contradict another sharply and 
the two may rush together with clenched fists and 
angry shouts, even though the assembly be a Cham- 
ber of Deputies. Let the smell of smoke and a ring- 
ing cry of “Fire” enter a crowded church and the 
solemn assembly will burst the bonds of decorum, 
custom, rules, and reverence, and transform itself 
into a fighting mob, trampling women and children 
under foot. 
* Social Psychology, p. 57 . 198 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
The assembly is a very useful social institution. 
Time, expense, and energy are saved by getting peo- 
ple to come together and by addressing them as a 
unit rather than as separate individuals who are 
scattered over a large territory. To assemble people 
and explain thoughtfully a program to them secures 
better results than to yell at them in a crowd. They 
gain sufficient stimulus to jar them out of lethargy 
and yet not such an amount that they effervesce in 
unstable promises. 
The assembly not only arouses people from social 
drowsiness and repose, but gives them new desires 
and interests. An assembly often shakes people 
loose from selfish habits and secures their open, 
thoughtful committal to group aims, to financial 
support of group movements, and participation in 
group activities. When in an assembly, the socially 
reflected self of an individual affects him powerfully. 
He adopts a broader viewpoint than he would ac- 
cept at home. He is influenced by the personality 
of the leader, who is usually an individual of char- 
acter. Through the spoken word, clothed in the 
richness of his personality, the speaker can exert a 
powerful and constructive influence. 
An assembly can be addressed frequently to bet- 
ter advantage than an individual. The speaker 
does not experience the embarrassment which he 
feels when conversing upon a delicate phase of the 
individual’s conduct. He can suggest to an assembly THE NATURE OF GROUPS 
199 
moral and social changes which would be taken as 
an insult if made personally to certain offenders 
who may be in the assembly. There is just enough 
anonymity to enable individuals who need repri- 
mand to say to themselves, “He means some one 
else,” and yet there is enough force in the speaker’s 
remarks to penetrate their lives deeply. There is 
sufficient anonymity to enable them to look uncon- 
cerned and to prevent their anger from rising, there- 
by allowing the new and higher standards of con- 
duct a thoughtful and fair hearing. Similar criti- 
cism of personal conduct, if administered individ- 
ually or vehemently in a crowd, would arouse an 
angry storm or a long-standing antagonism. 
Despite its worthy traits, an assembly of size is 
rarely a satisfactory deliberative or executive body. 
A committee of thirty is too large for effective work 
because the chief points for decision become lost in 
the idiosyncrasies of thirty different personalities. 
Five or seven well-selected persons will constitute 
a group large enough to bring forward all the main 
factors in a given problem and at the same time 
work expeditiously. Each will assume more re- 
sponsibility than the individual members of a com- 
mittee of thirty. 
Discussion is necessary, but too much talk hin- 
ders progress. A large committee produces an ex- 
cess of talk. To safeguard a committee against 
wasting its energies in verbiage as well as to guar- 200 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
antee a strong sense of individual responsibility, the 
members must be few. 
The public is a quasi-temporary group. It lacks 
the structure and prescribed limits of a permanent 
group and the face-to-face or bodily presence char- 
acteristics of the assembly or crowd. It is a group 
“without presence.” Although without the physical 
presence of its members, it possesses a substantial 
degree of permanence. It is made possible by the 
development of the modern means of communica- 
tion. Consequently, individuals feel, think, and 
even act alike, without coming together. The pub- 
lic is a recently developed communicating group 
without physical presence. 
The public is made possible by the invention of 
the printing press, the railroad, the telegraph, and 
the telephone. The printing press has been given 
primary credit by Sighele for creating the public and 
substituting it for the crowd.9 The railroad shortens 
distances and enables newspapers to reach the out- 
skirts of cities and even remote rural localities in a 
comparatively short time. Further, the telegraph 
has almost eliminated distance, permitting any 
news to travel thousands of miles in a few minutes. 
Hence the railroad and the telegraph give wings to 
the printing-press and the feeling of actuality to the 
public.10 
* La joule criminelle, p. 225. 
10 Ibid., pp. 225, 226. Cf. Gabriel Tarde, L’opinion et la joule, Ch. I. THE NATURE OF GROUPS 
201 
Each reading public tends to develop its own type 
of journalism and to produce newspapers which 
have its own good and bad qualities and which are 
its own creatures.11 Large numbers of people who 
are scattered over a wide territory regularly read the 
news organs of the given publics to which they be- 
long, feel simultaneously the same way in regard to 
the wanton attack upon anything which belongs to a 
given public, and express their feelings and opinions 
simultaneously, being aware that at the same time 
the other members of that public are experiencing 
the same feelings and giving expression to the same 
opinions. 
A staunch member of the Republican party sub- 
scribes only to Republican newspapers. If handed 
a socialist journal, he would feel insulted. The so- 
cialist subscribes faithfully to the socialistic press, 
but tears up Republican newspapers without deign- 
ing to look at their headlines. The churchman pe- 
ruses regularly the religious journals of his choice, 
but casts out the free-thinking publications, while 
in the same neighborhood the free-thinker scoffs at 
religious papers. Each public, therefore, creates and 
fosters its own instruments of communication. 
What would happen in the United States if for one 
year all Republicans were to read only socialist 
u Ibid., p. 241. “Sans doute chaque public produit les journalistes que 
ont ses instincts, ses tendencies ses qualities, et ses defauts, qui sont, in 
un mot, es creatures.” 202 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
newspapers and all socialists were to read only the 
Republican press? 
Within the public the newspaper is tempted to ca- 
ter to the lower nature of its members. The com- 
mercial newspaper finds that it pays financially to 
become sensational, to appeal to prejudices, or to 
stimulate morbidity. The daily press is prone to 
omit the publication of vital social facts, or to min- 
imize them, and to elaborate the minor details of 
burglaries, divorce scandals, prize fights. 
The newspaper often plays its own public against 
other publics. Consequently, the naive reader gets 
a biased view of his own group and an erroneous 
impression of opposing groups. What labor news- 
paper relates the good deeds of employers, and what 
capitalist paper extolls the long-suffering and heart- 
yearning of the wage-earner and his family? 
The public is deficient in some of the virtues of 
the assembly and is not subject to all the weaknesses 
of the crowd. To the extent that newspapers sup- 
press the truth or play upon the feelings, or by 
“scare” headlines create false sentiments, the public 
is the victim of the foibles of the crowd. To the de- 
gree in which the members of a public can sit quietly 
in the home or office and think logically, they pos- 
sess advantages superior even to those of the as- 
sembly. 
An individual can belong to only one crowd or 
assembly at a time, but he usually claims member- THE NATURE OF GROUPS 
203 
ship in several publics at the same moment. He may 
belong simultaneously to a Ford public, a Billy 
Sunday public, a Babe Ruth public, and a John Mc- 
Cormack public. His interests as a member of one 
public may run counter to his interests as a member 
of another; hence, he will be compelled to pair off 
impulses and to act more rationally than if a mem- 
ber of a face-to-face group. The twentieth century 
is becoming “an era of publicsthe public is suc- 
ceeding the crowd as a prevalent form of grouping. 
In times of national danger from without, an en- 
tire nation becomes a public. Smaller publics sub- 
ordinate their interests to the larger cause. Instead 
of several publics, each with its own set of opinions, 
or public opinions, there arises suddenly one vast 
public, and one powerful public opinion. 
The possibilities of the newest form of public, 
namely, the radio public, cannot be satisfactorily 
forecasted. Without difficulty, however, we can 
picture the president of the United States calling 
the people of the nation together in public places 
throughout the length and breadth of the land, and 
addressing them on national problems and world 
problems with his own voice and in a conversational 
tone. With the rise or adoption of a universal lan- 
guage and the perfecting of wireless telephony it 
will not be impossible for one person, a president of 
a League of Nations, for example, to address the 
people of the world gathered together in countless 204 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
places around the earth, and thus to create a world 
public. 
The subject of group, or public, opinion will be 
presented later, as an agent of group, or social con- 
trol.12 The public is the transition group between 
temporary and permanent aggregations or organi- 
zations of people, and public opinion is the source 
from which arise fundamental group values. 
3. Permanent Groups. There are at least four- 
teen different important types of permanent groups, 
ranging from an association of two persons to the 
world group. These types are the family, the play 
group, the neighborhood group, the school group, 
the occupational group, the employees’ and employ- 
ers’ groups, the fraternal, the political and govern- 
mental, the religious, the racial, and the sex groups, 
and the planetary group. These collectivities suffer 
changes fluctuating between slow and rapid, and ex- 
hibit organizations varying from closely knit and 
exclusive to incoherent and intangible. 
Permanent groups are the outgrowth of tempo- 
rary groupings—the relationship is filial. The or- 
der of development is as follows: first, human 
needs, then a temporary group to meet those needs, 
finally, the evolution of a permanent group or social 
organization. Out of countless temporary group- 
ings, a few permanent types have attained histor- 
ical prominence, but continuously subject to change 
and to the laws of social evolution. 
“In Chapter IX. THE NATURE OF GROUPS 
205 
The family, for example, has developed in re- 
sponse to the needs of race continuance; it has gone 
through the metronymic and patronymic stages and 
is now in a transitional period, from which there is 
arising a co-operative commonwealth of the two 
contracting parties. The family has run the gaunt- 
let of polyandry, polygyny, and other forms of mar- 
riage, and has achieved a worthy degree of useful- 
ness through monogamy. 
An occupational group, likewise, shows an evolu- 
tion, which is of the following order: human needs, 
crude ways of meeting these needs, the invention of 
methods and tools, the rise of specialization, the 
conscious, unconscious, or accidental gravitating of 
certain individuals into the given occupational 
group, the appearance of a definite occupational or 
caste consciousness, and the establishment of an oc- 
cupational ethics and of occupational organizations. 
In societary beginnings, men were hunters and 
fighters, and later, herdsmen; women were un- 
trained home-makers, crude hoe-culturists, and 
crass manufacturers. Under settled social condi- 
tions men transferred their attention to hoe-culture 
and transformed it into agriculture, and to manufac- 
ture and ultimately changed it into machinofacture. 
The higher needs of life, freedom from manual toil, 
and the demand for specialization produced the 
professions. 
Occupations prejudice. The banker depreciates 206 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
the ministry, and vice versa. The theologian tends 
to become dogmatic. The business man is prone to 
judge by money standards. Since lawyers contin- 
ually come in contact with anti-social individuals 
who must be dealt with vigorously, they are apt to 
overrate force as a social factor. Further, the law- 
yer is an advocate. After a time the habit of taking 
sides may hinder him from becoming judicial. 
When he reaches the bench, he may tend to argue 
cases for the lawyers, or he may make up his mind 
habitually early in the case and before the evidence 
is all in. “I have no objection, your Honor, to have 
you argue this case for me,” said a prosecuting at- 
torney, “but I hope that you won’t lose it, for I have 
a mighty good case.” This attorney was gently 
protesting against the occupational habit which the 
given judge had carried over into his judicial days 
from his previous training as an advocate. 
When a college professor applied to a labor union 
for membership, he was told that he must teach in 
the class-room eight hours a day if he would be ad- 
mitted. The skilled workmen could not under- 
stand how less than eight hours of actual teaching 
could constitute a day’s work. The social psychol- 
ogy of occupations and professions shows that occu- 
pational and professional habits of thought are dan- 
gerous to one who would be just and courteous in 
his attitudes toward those who are employed differ- 
ently. THE NATURE OF GROUPS 
207 
Permanent groups vary from purely instinctive to 
socially purposive.13 The best illustration of purely 
instinctive grouping is found among animals, e. g., 
insect societies. The primitive horde and the family 
are less instinctive than an insect society. The mod- 
ern family including courtship is often instinctive, 
although showing a few signs of conscious purpose 
that are worthv of these institutions. The modern 
J 
state is largely instinctive, although Germany re- 
cently showed a national purposiveness of anti-so- 
cial character. Economic organizations, such as cor- 
porations and labor unions, are distinctly purposive. 
Educational associations are strikingly telic. Pur- 
posive groups vary from organizations which strug- 
gle vigorously for their own advancement irrespec- 
tive of the welfare of other groups or of society, to 
those which wholeheartedly and unselfishly strive to 
serve wherever they may. 
Permanent groups, thus, begin with the purely 
instinctive aggregations at the lowest extremity of 
the social scale, include transitional types, and end 
with the purely telic groups with social purposes. 
Nation-states are still far below the highest stage of 
unselfish telic development, and hence the difficulty 
in establishing a stable League of Nations. 
11J. M. Baldwin in The Individual and Society, pp. 36 ft, classifies groups 
as instinctive, spontaneous, and reflective. 208 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Permanent groups are either sects, castes, classes, 
or states.14 The sect is a group of individuals who 
differ markedly but who are united by a common 
ideal and faith—such as religious denominations 
and political parties. 
The caste arises from identity of profession; it is 
the most compact of all social organizations. After 
a person has become established in a profession he 
has become a member of an existing caste and is 
under its esprit de corps. Consider how difficult it 
is for a man to change from one recognized pro- 
fession to another line of activity and what con- 
tumely is heaped upon a clergyman who changes to 
the insurance business, upon the lawyer who shifts 
to bricklaying, upon the teacher who becomes a 
dairyman. It is disgraceful to change from a higher 
to a so-called lower calling, even though a mistake 
was made in the initial choice of an occupation. It 
is even a doubtful or questioned procedure for a per- 
son who has reached middle life to change from a 
lower to a so-called higher calling, even though the 
individual has been converted to an entirely new 
view of life. Nevertheless, this inelasticity in public 
opinion is on the whole justifiable, despite the fact 
that in the broad sense it creates castes. 
The class possesses a psychological bond that is 
u Tills classification has been outlined by Continental writers, 6uch a* 
Tarde (L'opinion et la joule, pp. 177 5.) and Sighele (Psychologic des 
sectes, pp. 45 ff.). THE NATURE OF GROUPS 
209 
found in a unity of interests. The class is less pre- 
cise in its limits but more “formidably belligerent” 
in its attitudes than the caste. Observe the out- 
standing class divisions of the day, such as the dis- 
tinction between the laboring and capitalistic class- 
es, with their bickerings, strifes, intrigues, and un- 
derlying hatreds. 
States are the most extensive group organizations 
with strong prerogatives that have yet evolved. 
They possess common bonds of language, national 
values, and national prestige. National loyalty, 
which is somewhat synonymous with patriotism, as 
well as conflicts between nations and the social psy- 
chology of war will be discussed in the chapters 
which follow. The natural climax of the state idea 
is now taking form in a world organization or world 
state, which among permanent groups will perhaps 
occupy the chief position. 
4. Primary and Discussion Groups. Among per- 
manent groups, those which have been designated 
primary groups are of greatest importance.15 The 
primary group is one “characterized by intimate 
face-to-face association and co-operation,” such as 
the family, play, and neighborhood groups. It is of 
primary importance, because it is fundamental “in 
forming the social nature and ideals of the individ- 
ual,”16 because individuals live in the feeling of the 
16 C. H. Cooley, Social Organization, Chs. Ill, IV. 
“ Ibid., p. 23. 210 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
whole group, and because it is from the group of 
the face-to-face type that one receives most of his 
social stimuli, especially in the formative years. His 
life of mental interaction is spent largely in primary' 
groups. His standards are usually those which will 
give him “some desired place in the thought of oth- 
ers. 
The parent who can choose the primary groups 
for his children to grow up in can forecast their fu- 
ture. Their development and ultimate achieve- 
ments are concealed not only in their inherited na- 
tures but equally in the nature of their primary 
groups. To choose constructive and wholesome 
groups for children to mature in is one of the great- 
est achievements of successful parenthood. 
As primary groups are the most significant among 
permanent groupings, so discussion groups are with- 
out peers among temporary groupings. In a discus- 
sion group each member does not simply bring his 
ideas and put them into a collection basket together 
with the ideas of other assembly members, but he 
comes with ideas, and in and through the group dis- 
cussion, new ideas are created. Each person does 
not only learn from the others, but each may be 
stimulated by the group discussion to think new 
ideas. In this sense the group may be highly 
creative in intellectual and behavior products.17 
The constitution of a discussion group is best 
” M. P. Follett, The New State, p. 30. THE NATURE OF GROUPS 
211 
when representative. Persons having had a variety 
of experiences bring together a wealth of ideas, and 
hence are able when the full play of interstimu- 
lation is surging high, to make suggestions and to do 
creative thinking that no one alone would be ca- 
pable of doing. 
The purpose of a discussion group is usually two- 
fold, to plan and to do. Each member works out 
his plans before coming to the meeting; these are 
based on careful thought and different types of ex- 
perience. These plans are pooled, and the best of 
each is selected, but the chief function of the discus- 
sion group occurs when the ideas of one member 
stimulate another to think new ideas; these in 
turn suggest still other and better new ideas to an- 
other member of the group, and so on. A council 
at its best, thus, becomes a creative group; a group 
of minds at creative work represents humanity in 
one of its best phases. A discussion group in order 
to be most effective must be guided not by the spirit 
of conflict and compromise but rather by the spirit 
of co-operating. 212 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
PROBLEMS 
1. Define a crowd. 
2. Are the people in a railroad station a heterogeneous 
or homogeneous crowd? 
3. What are the advantages and disadvantages of or- 
ganized cheering? 
4. Why is one’s individuality wilted in a dense throng? 
5. Why do feelings run through a crowd more readily 
than ideas? 
6. Why is the crowd-self irrational? 
7. Explain: “In a psychological crowd people are out 
of themselves.” 
8. Explain: A crowd is recidivistic. 
9. Why does a crowd refuse to tolerate freedom of 
speech? 
10. Why is the crowd-self ephemeral? 
11. Where did parliamentary rules of order originate? 
12. Is a jury a crowd or an assembly? 
13. Do you feel a serious loss more keenly when you are 
alone or in a group of friends? 
14. Will the news of personal success cause you greater 
joy when you are alone or in a group? 
15. What is the meaning of the term, mob? 
16. Is a holiday jam in a railroad station a mob? 
17. Is the social psychology of a mob of Hottentots the 
same as the social psychology of a mob of college professors? 
18. Where can the blame for mob action justly be 
placed? 
19. What are the best means for bringing a mob to a ra- 
tional point of view? 
20. What is the chief characteristic of an assembly? THE NATURE OF GROUPS 
213 
21. Why is it easier to speak to an audience of 200 people 
than to a group of twenty persons? 
22. What are the outstanding characteristics of a public? 
23. Name three leading publics to which you now belong. 
24. Explain the statement that this is an era of publics. 
25. In what permanent groups have you participated to- 
day? 
26. Name one temporary group in which you have been 
a member today. 
27. How is a fraternal group different psychically from 
a neighborhood group? 
28. What is meant by the social psychology of an occu- 
pation? 
29. Explain: “The high potential of a city.” 
30. Should the capital of a commonwealth be “its chief 
city or some centrally located town” ? 
READINGS 
Christensen, Arthur, Politics and Crowd-Morality. 
Conway, Martin, The Crowd in Peace and War. 
Cooley, C. H., Social Organization, Chs. Ill, XIV. 
Follett, M. P., The New State, Ch. XIV. 
Galsworthy, John, The Mob. 
Gardner, C. S., “Assemblies,” Amer. Jour, of Sociol., XIX: 
531-55; and in Psychology and Preaching, Chs. XI, 
XIII. 
Giddings, F. H., Democracy and Empire, Ch. XIX. 
Ginsberg, Morris, The Psychology of Society, Ch. X. 
Hamilton, C., “Psychology of Theater Audiences,” Forum, 
XXXIX: 234-48. 
Howard, G. E., “Social Psychology of the Spectator,” Amer. 
Jour, of Sociol., XVIII: 33-50. 214 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Le Bon, Gustave, The Crowd. 
Martin, E. D., The Behavior of Crowds. 
McComas, H. C., The Psychology of Religious Sects. 
McDougall, Wm., The Group Mind. 
“Psicologia della folia,” Riv. ital. di sociol., Ill: 168-195. 
Ross, E. A., Social Psychology, Chs. III-V. 
Outlines of Sociology, Ch. XL. 
Foundations of Sociology, Chs. V, VI. 
Sighele, Scipio, La foule criminelle. 
Simmel, G., ‘‘The Persistence of Social Groups,” (tr. by A 
W. Small), Amer. Jour, of Sociol., Ill: 662-89, 829-36, 
IV: 35-50. 
Tarde, Gabriel, The Laws of Imitation, pp. 154-73. 
Uopinion et la foule, Chs. I, II. Chapter VII 
GROUP CONFLICTS 
1. Analysis of Group Conflicts. Conflicts are 
continually occurring between the members of a 
group and between groups themselves. They vary 
from a mere accidental clash between two individ- 
uals to highly organized warfare between civilized 
nations. In nearly all cases they are highly spectac- 
ular forms of social interstimulation and response. 
Conflicts occur continually between the individ- 
ual and his group. The small son defies both par- 
ents, the adolescent boy violates the rules of the 
team, the adult breaks the laws of society. An indi- 
vidual becomes a leader of a clientele and the con- 
flict becomes one between a minority and the parent 
group. A new idea is expressed by some strong- 
minded individual, and immediately other individ- 
uals begin to allign themselves with or against the 
new propaganda. The leader and the adherents of 
the new program enter into conflict with the parent 
organization. 
Conflicts between groups are exhibitions of com- 
plicated interaction arising out of primitive strug- 
gles for existence, for power, and prestige. While 216 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
partly motivated by the fighting impulses, they gen- 
erally are caused by a great variety of socially-de- 
rived factors. Families compete with families for 
social standing, business vies with business for 
trade, and nations war with nations for commercial 
advancement and territorial expansion. Pugna- 
ciousness in the individual is easily supplemented 
by “tradition, economics, interests, and other cul- 
tural factors,”1 and national and racial conflicts 
result. 
Conflicts between groups are sometimes primarily 
open and announced, as in the case of political 
parties in a national election. They are frequently 
conducted under cover and behind apparently 
friendly advances, e. g., rivalries between business 
houses. Even in open political campaigns, it is of- 
ten difficult to learn the attitude of various influen- 
tial organizations, because of secret alliances and 
agreements. 
Certain conflicts are highly destructive; others 
are mutually advantageous. The conflict between 
a corporation and a competitive individual entre- 
preneur usually ends in the destruction or at least 
the absorption of the small business by the corpora- 
tion. Two neighboring farmers, however, who are 
competing for honors in regard to corn yield per 
acre will both gain, as well as society. Two granges 
1C. M. Case, “Instinctive and Cultural Factors in Group Conflicts,’’ 
Amer. Jour, of Social., XXVIII: 1-20. GROUP CONFLICTS 
217 
in productive competition may both reap advan- 
tages with no losses. Through conflict two univer- 
sities may so inter-stimulate one another that stu- 
dents and faculties of both institutions and the pub- 
lic all profit. 
Conflict between groups is an element of progress, 
unless the conflict becomes too unequal, unless it as- 
sumes the form of competitive consumption of 
goods, both economic and non-economic, or unless 
it fails to rise to high, open, and socialized levels. 
The strength of any one of these provisos is great; 
and of all of them together, tremendous. Society 
must guard itself against destruction by keeping 
intra-conflicts within productive bounds. Today the 
United States is in grave danger because capital 
and labor have clinched and are fighting, regardless 
of the public. If individual spectators are killed or 
adjacent property is destroyed, the fight goes on 
just the same. The nation must take a hand in the 
struggle and say: “This brutal fight shall be 
stopped, or we will all go down together. Your con- 
flicts must proceed only along the lines of productive 
competition.” 
Conflicts between marked unequals result in the 
annihilation of the lesser unequal, and in no appre- 
ciable gain to the other. A strong football team 
that rushes through a weak line for fifteen touch- 
downs learns little football; the weak team learns 
no football. Neither gain and the public is cheated. 218 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
The college professor who talks “over the heads” of 
his pupils receives no stimulations from his class, 
and neither do they from him. Both lose. 
Competition in the consumption of socially valu- 
able goods instead of competition in the production 
of human values, is socially disintegrating. Com- 
petition in the consumption of pleasure automobiles 
is wasteful and unpatriotic. Conflicts which involve 
deception, physical combat instead of open discus- 
sion, and a repudiation of social values lead to bar- 
barism and savagery. 
No conflict means no interstimulation and hence 
no group progress. Too much conflict creates so 
much excitement that progress is halted. Conflicts 
must serve socially constructive ends exclusively. 
Needless social friction and social destruction must 
be prevented. It is at this point that T. N. Carver’s 
theoiy of social progress should be stated.2 Pro- 
fessor Carver recognizes an evolution in the forms 
of conflict, but seems to assume that the group, and 
particularly the national group, is an end in itself. 
He starts with the elemental type of conflict, name- 
ly, destructive, and familiar to us as war, sabotage, 
robbery, and duelling. A higher form of competi- 
tion is deception, which like the first type is charac- 
teristic of some animals, and which is common 
among human beings in the forms of swindling, 
Essays in Social Justice, Ch. IV and Principles of Political Economy, 
Ch. IV. GROUP CONFLICTS 
219 
counterfeiting, adulterating, and mendacious ad- 
vertising. A third, higher, and almost entirely hu- 
man form of conflict is persuasion such as political 
(campaigning for office), erotic (courting), com- 
mercial (advertising and salesmanship), and legal 
(litigation). Then there is productive conflict, such 
as rivalry in producing goods and rivalry in render- 
ing service. Competitive consumption is sharply 
distinguished from competitive production of eco- 
nomic goods. 
Beyond these points the analysis does not go. It 
needs to be developed further in its psychological 
phases. It emphasizes the biological bases of con- 
flict; it stresses perhaps too much the survival of 
the fittest in the sense of the survival of the strong- 
est; it deals little with conflicts between attitudes, 
moral standards, and societary values. It is difficult 
to see how a group whose highest activity is com- 
petitive production of economic goods can avoid 
the world-wide condemnation which fell in 1914 
upon Germany. There must be competitive pro- 
duction of harmonizing and co-operating activities. 
There must be a competitive production of moral 
and spiritual values. If not, then the production of 
economic values will exceed the production of ethi- 
cal and socialized values and the nation will fall 
into materialism, decline, and decay. 
As the economic struggle bulks large in Professor 
Carver’s writings, so psychological conflicts are 220 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
stressed by Gabriel Tarde. To Tarde there are 
three leading forms of conflict, or opposition, name- 
ly : political, economic, and social; or war, compe- 
tition, and discussion. These terms in order are 
used to indicate a decreasing degree of destructive 
action and an ascending scale of constructive oppo- 
sition. The first two classes, war and competition, 
are usually destructive—Tarde underrates the so- 
cial value of competitive production of economic 
goods. The third class, discussion, is generally con- 
structive—Tarde fails to indicate clearly the decep- 
tion which sometimes underlies discussion and the 
wasteful character of much discussion. Discussion 
is a mental duel. Further, it often causes mental 
torture, e. g., when a prosecuting attorney perse- 
cutes the defendant, or when a newspaper “exposes” 
the private affairs of innocent victims of evil. 
Two ideas, or institutions, or systems of tech- 
nique may engage in a duel. Tarde has discussed 
at length the psycho-societary duel,3 illustrations 
of which are the duels between Christianity and 
atheism, between Protestant Christianity and Cath- 
olic Christianity, between aristocracy and democ- 
racy, between steamships and sailing vessels, be- 
tween high tariff and low tariff, or between though 
and tho, and between the Victrola and Edison talk- 
ing machines. 
* Laws of Imitation, pp. 167 ff. GROUP CONFLICTS 
221 
The psycho-societary duel ends in one of two 
ways.4 (1) One idea meets another and annihi- 
lates it. In the minds of thinking people, the idea 
of a round earth has completely superseded the idea 
of a flat earth. The annihilation may take place 
slowly, or suddenly by resort to arbitrary means, 
such as war or governmental fiat. The tractor is 
slowly triumphing over the farm horse. For those 
who understand, the discovery of the tubercle ba- 
cillus ended suddenly previous conceptions of the 
cause of tuberculosis. The contest between volun- 
tary and compulsory military service was settled 
suddenly in the United States in 1917 by congres- 
sional action. 
(2) The psycho-societary duel may end in com- 
promise. Strong elements of each protagonist will 
be combined in a new type of phenomena. The lan- 
guages of the Saxons and the Angles met the lan- 
guages of the Celts, Latins, and Greeks and the re- 
sult was a new, composite vehicle of speech. Words 
themselves are often combinations of inherently an- 
tagonistic roots. Coal miners compete for earnings 
with coal barons—and the result is generally a com- 
promise. As the orbit of the earth represents an 
equilibrium between centripetal and centrifugal 
forces, so our democracy is a compromise between 
anarchism and absolutism. A business college is a 
compromise between actual business experience and 
* Tarde gives a three-fold classification. 222 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
a regular college education. The covenant for a 
League of Nations is a series of compromises be- 
tween antagonistic interests. 
In both types of duels the conflicts are between 
inventions—usually a new invention (or discovery) 
which is attempting to drive out a somewhat out- 
worn but well-established invention. When a new 
social invention meets an established invention, the 
result is either annihilation of one by the other, or 
in the case of somewhat equal conflict, the forma- 
tion of a new, compromise invention. 
F. H. Giddings has pointed out how conflicts be- 
tween groups that are nearly balanced in strength 
(secondary conflicts) lead to progress, because out 
of conflict between more or less equal social forces 
arise tolerance and compromise, then co-operation, 
alliance, and mutual aid.5 Since the contestants are 
balanced in power, neither can win; they must tol- 
erate one another. From this toleration there comes 
at first a minimum mental interchange, then the es- 
tablishment of interrelationships, and ultimately of 
co-operation. Nations today are in the main cur- 
rent of this process. The amount, however, of na- 
tional co-operation is still small and suspicion based 
on national selfishness and suspicion is rampant. 
Conflict is the best way to settle the duelism be- 
tween opposing social forces, according to Georg 
* Principles of Sociology, pp. 100 ff. GROUP CONFLICTS 
223 
Simmel.6 The main purpose of conflict is to create 
organization. A hundred athletes compete for places 
on a team and then the winners co-operate in form- 
ing the team-organization. But this theory is un- 
duly harsh. Conflicts do not all take place upon the 
blind levels of force. Antagonistic elements may 
become socialized and blend into a new whole. The 
dualism of social groups may exhibit decreasing 
conflict and increasing co-operation. A laboring 
group and a capitalist group may become socialized 
and each recognize the vital part that the other 
plays in the success of an industrial establishment. 
Each may become willing to arbitrate differences 
and to co-operate in industrial production. Pro- 
fessor Simmel speaks of the whole history of society 
in terms of the striking conflicts between socialistic 
adaptation to society and individualistic departure 
from its demands. This is the duality which is ex- 
pressed biologically in the conflicts between heredity 
and variation, and which is found sociologically in 
the interactions between heredity and environment. 
The results are new forms of life (biological organ- 
isms), new types of mental life (inventions), and 
new social structures (institutions). 
Conflict has been treated as a correlative term 
with co-operation by Gustave Ratzenhofer7 and Al- 
bion W. Small.8 Everywhere in the processes of so- 
'“Sociology of Conflict,” Amer. Jour, of Sociol., IX: 490. 
7 Die sociologische Erkenntniss. 
1 General Sociology. 224 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
rial adjustment the element of conflict appears, and 
the line of progress moves from a maximum of con- 
flict to a maximum of reciprocity.9 Under a maxi- 
mum of co-operation conflict will not be eliminated, 
but will function in modified, dignified, and con- 
trolled ways. Maximum is not absolute reciprocity. 
Maximum reciprocity between a model husband 
and a model wife would provide for mental conflicts 
which would stimulate the growth of both person- 
alities in a way that would not occur if both were 
exactly alike. 
Another element in this fundamental societary 
phenomenon of conflict, according to Durkheim, is 
that opposing groups which are fighting for differ- 
entiated interests find it necessary to combine in 
order that both may advance.10 On the desert a 
mesquite springs up. Seeds of cacti also grow; “and 
the cactus and the mesquite combine their armature 
of thorns for mutual protection. The wind-blown 
grass seeds lodge about the roots, and grasses grow 
and seed beneath the sheltering branches, and next, 
small mammals seek the same protection. . . . 
Thus does a large part of the plants and animals 
in the desert dwell together in harmony and mutual 
helpfulness.”11 
•Ibid., p. 325. 
10 De la division du travail social. 
aW. J. McGee in Source Book for Social Origins, by W. I. Thomas, 
pp. 55, 56. GROUP CONFLICTS 
225 
In summary it may be said that conflict is an in- 
dispensable element in progress, that its lowest lev- 
els are brutal and viciously destructive but that its 
highest reaches are stimulating, spiritual, and whol- 
ly constructive. The socialization of conflicting 
interests produces unification which is strength. 
Small competing businesses unite. The antago- 
nistic American colonies united. The mutually 
jealous Allies united. Progress is born of a moving 
equilibrium of stimulating, constructive, and so- 
cialized conflicts. 
2. Social Psychology of War. Since war is the 
most destructive type of conflict known to man- 
kind and since it persists in raising its ugly form 
above the highest phases of modern civilization, it 
will here receive special attention. How strange 
it is that civilization has not yet found a better 
means of settling national disputes! 
As already noted, war has its origins not only in 
pugnaciousness, but also in traditions and particu- 
larly in economic and political interests. Once man 
had to depend on his fists and his bow and arrow 
to defend himself. Men who could not fight well 
succumbed. With the development of private prop- 
erty, organized defense became necessary. Tribes 
that were unskilled in fighting lost their lands, were 
captured and enslaved, or were wiped out by the 
powerful tribes whose fighting strength made them 
a law unto themselves and hence unmoral or im- 226 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
moral in their attitudes toward weaker tribes. The 
modern philosophic flood tide of this doctrine was 
reached in the teachings of such men as Nietzsche 
and Bernhardi. 
The only groups whom primitive fighting tribes 
respected were those whose warring abilities were 
established. Fighting propensity ruled the world 
for millenniums. As a result fighting acquired 
greatly exaggerated power in the constitution of the 
individual and the group. The wolf and tiger qual- 
ities of men and groups were abnormally fostered 
and supported. 
In parallel stages the counter movement to war 
developed. Among animals and primitive people 
small groups of individuals lived harmoniously to- 
gether. The social spirit gained momentum. With- 
in groups individuals learned to respect differences 
of opinion and to build a code for settling disputes. 
Observance of this code prevented civil wars. The 
pistol duel was a sophisticated survival of personal 
fighting in those groups which had established a 
legal procedure. 
Courts of law have developed in our country until 
they rule the desires of practically every individual 
when moved to settle disputes by violent means. It 
is only the sportive or criminal American who car- 
ries a revolver, or the immigrant from traditional 
lands who carries a concealed dagger. Countless 
individuals have learned the art of living together GROUP CONFLICTS 
227 
peacefully and harmoniously. They have learned 
to be moral and social. 
But groups, especially large groups, find it diffi- 
cult to be moral. Reputable citizens assert that cor- 
porations1 have no conscience, and that nations are 
moral derelicts. Every citizen of our land may be 
proud, therefore, to support in thought and action 
the proclamation of President Wilson when in 1917 
he asserted that the United States has no selfish na- 
tional ends to serve. 
It is a sad but true fact that nations on the slight- 
est provocation glare at one another like wolves. 
They do not yet possess dependable inter-national 
habits of a moral character, which would in them- 
selves guarantee the stability and efficacy of a 
League of Nations. They still view one another 
with jealousy and suspicion—and perhaps justly so. 
Nations, however, as fast as they become nationally 
unselfish (as tested by deeds) and as soon as they 
learn to live harmoniously and justly and construc- 
tively together will confederate and for unselfish 
international ends. Even they must be ready for 
war until all other powerful nations have demon- 
strated clearly their conversion to democratic world 
purposes. When nations deal with one another ac- 
cording to the principles of openness, mutual re- 
spect, and fair play, swords may be beaten into 
plowshares and spears into pruning-hooks. Even 
then there will be considerable need for pruning- 
hooks. 228 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
One of the greatest ideas that President Wilson 
expressed was that the business of national repre- 
sentatives is to organize the friendship of the 
world.12 International friendship is not so plentiful 
that we can afford to allow it to remain unutilized 
and unorganized. Without it, any League of Na- 
tions is doomed to failure; on the other hand, one 
of the main businesses of a League and of every na- 
tion within a League will be to promote it. 
War breeds some good as well as much evil. Mil- 
itary training guarantees the advantages of out-of- 
door life and the building of strong chest and leg 
muscles. It successfully counteracts the slouchy 
habit of walking and standing which is almost a 
national disgrace in our land. 
The soldier “gains in courage.” He is mass in- 
spired. Indirectly and through the private and pub- 
lic applause of and rewards to bravery, he becomes 
increasingly brave. After a few months of military 
drill the diffident youth, if he does not succumb, 
is transformed into a potential hero. 
The soldier develops “an enlarged morality.” In- 
stead of working for self, he finds himself joined 
with others in support of national interests and pub- 
lic welfare. From self-service he is turned to others- 
service. His eyes are shifted from his own welfare 
to national welfare for which previously he may 
have cared little.13 
“From address before the Chamber of Deputies in Rome, Jan. 3, 1919. 
“Tarde, Laws of Imitation, pp. 358, 359. GROUP CONFLICTS 
229 
The group which fights increases its unity. Dis- 
sident elements are brought closer together and at 
least temporarily united. Attack from the outside 
drives people together. This fear of a common dan- 
ger is a better1 unifying factor than the hope or ex- 
perience of common happiness which arises from 
economic prosperity.14 
War favors virility. The strong are honored. 
Luxury is made odious. Before the World War the 
United States was showing signs of fatty degenera- 
tion. Thrift was being forgotten and smug eco- 
nomic complacency was enthroned. The war re- 
vealed to our nation the true situation with star- 
tling clearness. To a degree, war-suffering reveals 
weak places nationally, and evokes national interest 
in behalf of all the citizens. This national activity, 
however, tends to assume a harsh, compulsory, un- 
democratic character. Further, at the close of a 
successful war, a nation tends to swing back to 
careless, riotous living. 
War necessitates organization. Witness the way 
in which our country organized for war—through 
the draft law, the government operation of rail- 
roads, the Liberty loan “drives.” From such pro- 
cedure a nation may learn valuable lessons in or- 
ganizing in peace times for constructive and social- 
ized ends. 
14 J. S. MacKenzie, Outlines of Social Philosophy, p. 247. 230 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
The weaknesses of military control are many. 
While the officer assumes responsibility, the private 
is relieved of directive work and becomes machine- 
like. It is his business to obey, and not to question 
or “to reason why.” Military life tends first to 
make the officer and then the private autocratic. 
One day a big, handsome officer in a German regi- 
ment, wearing decorations of bravery, and receiving 
the personal commendations of the Kaiser, was ap- 
proached by a little girl five or six years old with a 
letter in her hand which she wished to post in a box 
behind the tall officer. She stood on her tiptoes but 
could not reach the box—it was too high. She 
looked longingly for aid, and finally, summoning all 
her courage, she handed the letter to the officer. “He 
took it mechanically, with one or two glances back 
and forth between it and her. His intellect was evi- 
dently less bright than his uniform. Presently the 
idea took shape in his brain that this slip of a girl 
had called on him for help. With an arrogant toss 
of his head and a contemptuous snap of his wrist, 
he threw the letter to the ground.”15 
The cost of war in dollars and cents—one of the 
least of its costs—is tremendous. It has been esti- 
mated that the financial cost of the World War was 
250 billion dollars. If this sum were in one dollar 
bank-notes and were laid end to end, it would ex- 
tend 29,198,000 miles, or 1160 times around the 
15 Reported by Albion W. Small, Amer. Jour, of Soctol., XXIII: 167, 168. GROUP CONFLICTS 
231 
earth or 145 times to the moon. If laid side by side 
and end end to end, these bank-notes would cover 
920,000 acres. The paper in them would weigh 250,- 
000 tons. 
Incomprehensible as is the financial cost of the 
World War, the greatest effort of the imagination 
cannot describe the cost in human suffering. If 
it were possible to review the dead instead of the 
living soldiers and if they came past the reviewing 
stand in double file we should get an impression of 
the human cost of war. Suppose that the British 
dead were called first—the double lines would pass 
the reviewing stand day and night for 100 days. 
Then the French dead would file past for 190 days 
longer; the German dead, for 220 days; and the 
Russian dead, for 230 days more—a total of 740 
days and nights, or over two years. Then suppose 
that the wounded could be reviewed and that they 
could come in double file at the same pace—this 
procession would last day and night for five years. 
Suppose finally that loved ones who suffered at 
home because of the war casualities could march 
rapidly in double file past the reviewing stand. 
This procession, it is estimated, would last day and 
night for fifteen years. This entire panorama of 
suffering, twenty-two years long, ought to convince 
even the hardest-hearted of the cost of war and con- 
vert him into an ardent advocate of a League of Na- 
tions for the settlement of national difficulties by 
constructive measures. 232 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
War is brutalizing. Returned soldiers who went 
“over the top” refrain from describing the scenes 
that they witnessed or in which they participated. 
“War confronts human beings with situations in 
which they must act inhumanly.”16 If you are go- 
ing to kill systematically, it is necessary to hate sys- 
tematically. After a war has continued for some 
time, hatred increases and ideals decline, and any 
measures which will help to bring victory or to post- 
pone defeat are likely to be justified. War lying and 
calumniation rapidly increase. War is “a brutal 
acknowledgement that nations have failed to live 
together harmoniously.” 
War keeps alive the inferior. It immediately re- 
jects those who cannot pass a satisfactory physical 
and mental examination—they are left at home. In 
battle the bravest take the greatest chances and suf- 
fer the largest casualities. During a long war the 
best physical specimens of manhood, including the 
bravest, are killed, and the nation’s work must be 
carried forward by, and its racial stock replenished 
from its lower physical and mental grades. After a 
very long war the future generations will be the 
descendants of “stay-at-homes, the idiotic, and 
sickly.” 
But war cannot be ended merely by pointing out 
its evils, by denouncing it, or by declaring that “this 
is a war to end war.” Widespread attention must 
” G. F. Nicolai, The Biology of the JFar, p. 113. GROUP CONFLICTS 
233 
be given to measures for building up the friendship 
of the world and of helping the international ma- 
chinery to run harmoniously, justly, and construc- 
tively. 
Further, the combative impulses must be elevated 
to spiritualized and socialized forms of expression. 
We can scarcely afford, as shown in an earlier chap- 
ter, to eliminate them absolutely. But we can 
change their methods and direct them to societary 
ends. 
Moral and social equivalents of war must be pro- 
vided. Courage may be fostered by making life less 
easy for those who now are idling away their time 
in frivolous pleasure, and by making the game of 
life more worth while for those who are struggling 
forward against overwhelming economic odds. 
Physical education may be expanded to give to all 
the valuable training which military life gives to se- 
lected physical groups. Education in citizenship 
for everyone will create a new sense of public re- 
sponsibility. The common presentation of inter- 
national and world needs and ideals will evoke a 
new world spirit. 
3. Social Psychology of Race Prejudice. If war 
is the most spectacular form of conflict, then race 
prejudice leads to the most subtle and insidious 
form of conflict. It is an impassable barrier to race 
assimilation. Nearly all race problems in the Unit- 
ed States today could be solved if it were not for 
race prejudices—both ways. 234 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Race prejudice is an antagonistic attitude of a 
person of one race toward the members of another 
race. It is usually a non-scientific pre-judgment. 
The pre-judgment may have been caused by hear- 
say, by experience with a few non-typical members 
of the other race, or by sneering remarks, rather 
than by scientifically obtained evidence. 
The social psychology of race prejudice reveals 
several causal elements. (1) An elemental fear of 
the strange underlies race prejudice. This is the 
only or at most the chief inherited factor in the 
phenomenon; the other causes come from the so- 
cial environment. The individual who would sur- 
vive must regard the stranger with caution. In 
primitive days the stranger was necessarily assumed 
to be an enemy until he proved himself otherwise. 
The stranger today without credentials at the cash- 
ier’s window is helpless. The stranger at the front 
door of a private residence is viewed askance. An 
American at a European court does not gain entry 
without acceptable introductions. The need for 
self-preservation and the wanton practices of many 
strangers have produced the elemental fear of the 
stranger. 
(2) The strange tribe is an enemy tribe—until 
proved otherwise. Race preservation demands that 
each race must maintain its own values and its own 
entity. Consequently, each race has built up a set 
of beliefs which stress the virtues and overlook the GROUP CONFLICTS 
235 
vices of that race, and which elaborate the weak- 
nesses of other races. A race attaches “the idea of 
beauty to everything which characterizes their phys- 
ical conformation.” The members of each race 
come to believe that their race is the best race in the 
world. 
The Englishman, the Italian, the German, the 
African Negro, the Eskimo, each declares that his 
race is the superior race of mankind. For example, 
the African Negro believes that brown and black 
are the most beautiful colors, and pities the Cau- 
casian because of his pale, sickly hue. After living 
for a few months among the black races of Africa, 
white Caucasian travelers have admitted a sense of 
shame because of the pale skins of their race—so 
powerful has been the opposite influence among the 
blacks. The Negress enhances her beauty by paint- 
ing the face with charcoal while the Caucasian lady 
puts on a chalky white to increase her whiteness. 
The Negro considers his gods as black and his dev- 
ils as white; the Caucasian reverses the order. If 
there are thirty-five leading races in the world today 
and the leaders of each are declaring that each is 
the best, then there is prevalent a thirty-five-fold 
contradictory statement that there are thirty-five 
“best”races. 
(3) Ignorance causes race prejudice. Ignorance 
cannot be separated from a false emphasis upon race 
pride. We must really know other races before we 236 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
are entitled to a positive opinion. Prominent eth- 
nologists have concluded that all races are poten- 
tially similar, that race differences are due to dif- 
erences in physical and social environment. For 
example, a part of the Mongolian peoples moved to 
Japan, where they have undergone many changes. 
Others of the Mongolian peoples moved westward 
and finally through their descendants became estab- 
lished in Europe in Hungary, namely, the Magyars, 
where they were surrounded by a sea of Slavs. In 
the United States, the Japanese and the Magyars 
meet today as immigrants, but neither of these 
groups of Mongolian brethren recognizes the other. 
In coming from the opposite sides of the earth and 
in circumnavigating the globe, these two races of 
originally the same stock have undergone widely 
different experiences and encountered different en- 
vironments. Consequently, they vary in type. 
False traditions and false education cause race 
prejudice. These errors can be corrected by a sci- 
entific study of the worthy and unworthy qualities 
of races in the light of the experiences of those races. 
Upon examination, each race is found to be supe- 
rior in some particular to other races. At their 
best and at their worst the members of all civilized 
races in our country are found to be pretty much 
alike. 
(4) Separation increases race prejudice. Separa- 
tion breeds misunderstanding, false estimates, and GROUP CONFLICTS 
237 
hence, prejudice. In the overcongested districts of 
any of our large cities, the immigrant frequently 
learns of the United States at its worst, and like- 
wise, the American sees the foreign-born at his 
worst. In the coal mines, the illiterate immigrant 
first of all learns or is compelled to learn American 
profanity—these vivid impressions remain with 
him and, unhappily, constitute a part of his Amer- 
icanization. 
In the Far East, Europeans do not associate with 
natives. In Yokohama, according to Melville E. 
Stone, on ground which was donated to the foreign 
representatives for their consulates, the sign was 
placed: “No Japanese are permitted on these 
grounds.”17 
While race preservation demands a certain degree 
of race separation, yet race exclusiveness naturally 
generates prejudice, out of which rumors of war, 
and wars themselves often come. If there are no 
provisions for an increasing interchange of ideas 
and for opportunities for constructive contacts, 
friendship between nations cannot materialize. 
(5) Differences in race appearance foster preju- 
dices. These variations are often superficial. We 
cannot judge the worth of a race by the slant of the 
eye, the color of the skin, or the shape of the shin- 
bone.18 We are still ignorant regarding real race 
"National Geographic Magazine, 21: 973-85. 
“George Elliott Howard, Social Psychology, p. 57, and in the Publica- 
tions of the Amer. Sociol. Society, XII: 7. 238 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
distinctions, and hence need to guard against as- 
suming that differences in appearances connote ba- 
sic disparities. 
(6) Competition engenders prejudice. The Chi- 
nese came to the United States upon invitation and 
at first were welcomed. When their labor competed 
with that of Americans, hatred of them arose. 
Many people take a generous attitude toward the 
Negro, but if the Negro successfully competes for 
economic positions, then the white persons who 
have lost, immediately experience race hatred. Both 
economic and social competition set off dynamic 
charges of prejudice. 
The result of race prejudice is isolation. Race 
prejudice isolates the race which feels it and the one 
against which it is directed. It plays havoc with 
whatever potential spirit of cooperation may exist 
in either. It barricades race against race. 
Race prejudice easily becomes one of “the most 
hateful and harmful” human sentiments. It is arbi- 
trary, vicious, and narrowing; it culminates in 
lynchings, pogroms, and war. One of America’s 
ablest scholars has indicted it in the following inci- 
sive language:19 
It has incited and excused cannibalism, warfare 
and slavery. 
It has justified religious persecution and eco- 
nomic exploitation. 
” George Elliott Howard, Social Psychology, p. 57; and in Vol. XII, 
Publications of the Amer. Sociol. Society, pp. 6, 7. GROUP CONFLICTS 
239 
It has fostered tyranny, cruelty, and the merci- 
less waste of human life. 
It has bred the spirit of caste; and it has done 
most to create the sweat-shop and the slum. 
It is the archenemy of social peace throughout 
the world., 
. . . It is a sinister factor in world politics. 
Only through its removal shall we ever realize 
the vision of the dreamer—the brotherhood of man. 
4. Discussion Conflicts. Discussion at its best 
is the highest form of conflict. As stated at the close 
of the preceding chapter, the discussion group is the 
most important of all temporary groupings. The 
reasons for this conclusion will now be explained in 
detail. Scientific discussion considers all sides 
of the question under dispute; it is dispassionate; it 
is impersonal; and it measures fact against fact. It 
reduces prejudice and mere opinion to a minimum 
and magnifies ascertainable truth. It furthers the 
settlement of conflicts on the basis of what the facts 
show, and of what fair-minded people can agree 
upon.20 
Rational discussion is the highest expression of 
mental interaction, for it brings opposing attitudes, 
beliefs, and facts into comparison. It leads to mu- 
tuality, that is, to the willingness to understand the 
other fellow’s opinions before making up one’s own. 
20 One of the best chapters on “Discussion” is by E. A. Ross, Social Psy- 
chology, Ch. XVIII. 240 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
It surpasses all else in stimulating thought and men- 
tal growth; it gives “a premium to intelligence,” 
and creates tendencies of “weighing evidence” and 
of judging rationally. 
The importance of discussion as a form of social 
interaction has not been appreciated, for discussion 
is so generally unscientific. Even today most dis- 
cussion rests on hearsay evidence; it occurs on the 
basis of opinion rather than of fact. The tendency 
to communicate, to share with others what one 
hears, is so great that habits of speaking before in- 
vestigating, even regarding fundamental matters, 
are the rule. Very few receive training, even in 
educational institutions concerning the differences 
between fact and opinion. The law student is an 
exception, for he is not allowed to proceed far un- 
til he distinguishes between “what is” and what he 
“thinks is so.” It is only by this method that dis- 
cussion can attain its rightful place at the head of 
conflict processes. 
Gossip as a prevailing type of mental conflict has 
not been considered worthy of scientific attention, 
and yet there is probably more gossiping than any 
other form of discussion taking place; it is also one 
of the most dangerous types of discussion in its least 
attractive form, for it cares little for the truth. It 
delights in any “iuicy bit” of news, and thrives on 
the pathological and spectacular in human interac- 
tion. It picks up a falsehood and without the slight- GROUP CONFLICTS 
241 
est hesitation throws it out on the four winds, or as 
a Japanese proverb goes: “If one dog barks a false- 
hood, ten thousand others spread it as truth.” 
The only way to secure scientific discussion is to 
train people from childhood to discriminate between 
fact and opinion, and to indicate this distinction 
when in conversation with others; and the only way 
to determine facts is not through the experiences of 
one person, but of several, and not through un- 
trained persons, but by the observations of qualified 
thinkers and authorities. Every individual of 
course should make limited investigations of his 
own, and become an authority regarding facts in at 
least one or more circumscribed fields, although for 
the most part he will have to rely on authorities and 
his ability to discriminate between authorities as 
well as between authorities and pretenders to the 
throne of truth. 
The struggle for freedom of discussion had be- 
come historical by the time of Herodotus who re- 
lates discussion (of a Grecian nature!) which he 
heard among the Asiatics. The Athenian democ- 
racy was built in part on discussion. The greatest 
conflict in democracies today is for freedom of dis- 
cussion, and the most difficult problem is to secure 
discussion without prejudice. 
The number of “open subjects” with which dis- 
cussion began must have been small, and the fight 
against discussion still continues, for there is noth- 242 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
ing equal to discussion in dispelling the mystery and 
consecration that becomes attached to customary 
control. Deliberation is at first “profane,” for it 
seems to be ruthless in its inroads upon privileged 
beliefs. It is permitted first with reference to the 
most visible and tangible phases of current life, for 
these by their nature cannot be kept under false 
customary control after people begin to think for 
themselves. Discussion then spreads to the least 
observable phases of life, and in turn the proteges 
of special customary privilege turn to cover, mis- 
representation, and intimidation, in order to escape 
the penetrating lances of discussion. 
Under the Czars no political parties and no pub- 
lic discussion of the government were permitted, 
and secret organizations flourished; but when gov- 
ernment becomes constitutional, discussions of gov- 
ernmental policies may be held in the open, political 
parties flourish as important factors in government, 
and democracy becomes possible. 
In international affairs President Wilson was 
sneered at, and finally overcome in the making of 
the Treaty of Versailles in 1919, when he pled for 
“open agreements openly arrived at.” His hands at 
Paris were tied because the United States had en- 
tered the war in 1917, not according to specific rules 
to be observed in the treaty making days, but sub- 
ject to all the secret treaties which had been made 
between 1917 and 1914 and prior to the latter date. GROUP CONFLICTS 
243 
Discussion is democratizing, for it brings out all 
points of view and secures extended participation. 
In a labor union meeting, men learn to speak for or 
against a proposition, vote on it, and to abide by 
the results, thus giving them about the only first 
hand lessons in democracy which they receive. In 
the town meeting where all the citizens gather, pro- 
pose, discuss, vote, and abide, political democracy 
has its primary illustration. In the literary society, 
participation is often forced on each member who 
reluctantly responds but who in taking part often 
experiences his first real thrill of practical democ- 
racy. In a socialized recitation, members of the class 
lead the discussion, and not the teacher, who inter- 
feres only to correct errors or make suggestions that 
would otherwise not be mentioned. In a commu- 
nity council meeting, the people, the ordinary 
neighborhood folk, participate in and direct the dis- 
cussions, and thus experience a new sense of com- 
munity and of democratic consciousness. 
By developing a sense of social responsibility in the 
individual, discussion becomes vital in the sociali- 
zation process. It secures an exchange of view- 
points, melts prejudices, and leads to tolerance, 
compromise, and accommodation. By an exchange 
of facts, attitudes, reasons, a new and mutual un- 
derstanding of conflicting circumstances is secured, 
a common social feeling is engendered, a similarity 
in mental reaction is created, and even joint par- 
ticipation is accomplished. 244 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Discussion produces currents of opinion and per- 
haps common support of constructive measures. It 
is only by rational discussion that impending con- 
flicts may be considered with tolerance by all con- 
cerned, and compromises effected. By discussion 
worth while movements may secure genuine demo- 
cratic and socialized support and develop increasing 
power and usefulness. 
In a brief summary of group conflicts it may be 
said that they function as a means to a social end; 
operate in the long run upon an ascending scale, 
namely, war, competition, discussion; and give way 
to the rise of cooperation, alliance, and mutual aid. 
They arise out of the fighting tendencies and run the 
gamut from brutal ruthlessness to that high type 
of corrective effort which is promulgated by love. 
Conflicts culminate in spiritualized contests for 
rendering service. In their lowest forms they are 
struggles to see who can deceive most, who can ex- 
ploit most, who can shirk most; at their best, they 
are contests to see who can serve his fellow man 
most. GROUP CONFLICTS 
245 
PROBLEMS 
1. Illustrate a conflict between an individual and his 
group. 
2. Illustrate a conflict between two groups of similar 
strength. 
3. Illustrate a conflict between a small group and a large 
group of which tha small group is a part. 
4. Illustrate a conflict between two ideas. 
5. Illustrate competitive consumption of economic goods. 
6. Illustrate competitive production. 
7. Why is discussion able to “hurry conflicts to a con- 
clusion” ? 
8. When is discussion profitless? 
9. Would you expect to find the truth of the matter 
in a given discussion with either extremist? 
10. Should a false dogma be attacked directly, or under- 
mined “by marshalling and interpreting the adverse facts” ? 
11. Should a conflict between types of water filtration or 
armor plate be referred to the voters? 
12. What types of public questions should be submitted 
to the voters for a decision? 
13. Why have theological controversies been more bitter 
than scientific disputes? 
14. Illustrate competition in rendering service to others. 
15. What is the leading cause of war? 
16. What is the chief good that comes from war? 
17. Why do battles always take place between two 
armies, or between' two sets of opposing forces? 
18. What is the chief evil of war? 
19. Is the man who has invented a deadly instrument 
of war a social benefactor? 
20. Why do different races have different standards of 
beauty? 246 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
21. Is race prejudice innate or acquired? 
22. Is there more race prejudice against the Negro in the 
North or the South? 
23. Do small children draw the color line? 
24. Why is discussion the highest form of conflict? 
READINGS 
Bagehot, W., Physics and Politics, Sections II, V. 
Bird, C., “From Home to the Charge, a Psychological Study 
of the Soldier,” Amer. Jour, of Psychology, 28: 315-48. 
Case, C. M., “Instinctive and Cultural Factors in Group 
Conflicts,” Amer. Jour, of Sociol., XXVIII: 1-20. 
Cooley, C. H., Social Organization, Chs. XXVIII-XXX. 
Social Process, Ch. IV. 
Ellis, G. W., “The Psychology of American Race Prejudice,” 
Jour, of Race Development, 5: 297-315. 
Finot, Jean, Race Prejudice. 
Gumplowicz, L., Der Rassenkampf. 
Kelsey, Carl, “War as a Crisis in Social Control,” Publ. of 
the Amer. Sociol. Society, XII: 27-45. 
Morse, T., “The Psychology of Prejudice,” Intern. Jour, of 
Ethics, XVII: 490-506. 
Nicolai, G. F., The Biology of War. 
Novicow, J., War and its Alleged Benefits. 
Park and Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology, 
Ch. IX. 
Ross, E. A., Outlines of Sociology, Chs. XII-XVI. 
Simmel, G., “Sociology of Conflict,” Amer. Jour, of Sociol., 
IX: 490-525. 
Thomas, VV. I., “The Psychology of Race Prejudice,” Amer. 
Jour, of Sociol., IX: 593-611. GROUP CONFLICTS 
247 
Todd, A. J., Theories of Social Progress, Ch. XIX. 
Vincent, G. E., “The Rivalry of Social Groups,” Amer. Jour. 
of Sociol., XVI: 469-82. 
Weeks, A. D., Social Antagonisms. 
Williams, J. M.,Principles of Social Psychology ,Chs. V-XXV. 
Yarros, V. S., “Isolation and Social Conflicts,” Amer. Jour, 
of Sociol., XXVII: 211-21. Chapter VIII 
GROUP LOYALTIES 
1. Analysis of Group Loyalty. Social interstimu- 
lation is both cooperative and competitive. Hu- 
man beings are the products not only of conflict but 
of group unity and loyalty. Beneath even anti-so- 
cial actions there is usually a deep-seated social na- 
ture. It is in the primary groups of childhood that 
social sympathy and group loyalties are developed 
in the individual. In associating with parents and 
particularly with other children, the child experi- 
ences the growth of his social nature. 
Through associating with others, the spirit of tol- 
eration and appreciation develops. As a result of 
associating, tolerating, appreciating, a sense of loy- 
alty takes form. In every stable group a social con- 
sciousness and a social mind is present. By asso- 
ciating with other persons, the individual learns 
that they have feelings, longings, problems, suffer- 
ings which are similar to his own. Consequently, a 
reorganization of attitudes occurs, tolerance devel- 
ops, and harmonious actions ultimately follow. 
The opinions of the group tend to survive and to 
be integrated. The strongest current opinion be- GROUP LOYALTIES 
249 
comes the established opinion in later years; it gains 
prestige with years. It becomes a part of the social 
values of the group. Into the mass of integrated 
established opinion, and of formulating current 
opinion, the child is born. Within this psycho-so- 
cial environment he grows up and by it his thinking 
and acting are continually shaped. Later, his ma- 
tured judgment reacts against some of the elements 
in this combination of past and current opinions, 
and he may become the exponent of a change in 
group values, of new group values, or of the estab- 
lished values. 
Integrated past opinion and misty current opin- 
ion center about the vital phases of group life. A 
fundamental social value is the life of the group it- 
self. Each collectivity must hold its own life as an 
elemental social necessity. The group will fight for 
its own unity. Lack of group unity presages group 
disintegration. 
Group morale consists of group self control, and 
self confidence among the rank and file and also 
in the leaders. Beneath this confidence there must 
be a genuine moral force of honesty, reliability, co- 
operation, and virility, which will constitute a driv- 
ing and a resisting power. 
Group life, group unity, and distinctive group 
possessions, both material and spiritual, compose 
the trinity of leading social values that have been 
created through human association. “An abiding 250 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
affection for the fatherland and for principles of lib- 
erty, of opportunity, and of fraternity which the 
group may have worked out represent the highest 
social appraisals.”1 Group loyalty is perhaps the 
most basic factor in the determination of social in- 
teraction, that is, of the conditions under which so- 
cial interstimulation and response take place. 
2. Social Psychology of Patriotism. Patriotism 
is one of the best forms of group loyalty to consider, 
for public attention has been widely and repeatedly 
centered upon it. Patriotism is the tangible group 
response which is excited by an attack upon the 
group values. It is a complex sentiment; it is a 
specialized and diffused form of love. It creates 
mass interaction on a large scale, that is, it repre- 
sents mental interaction in a complex and socially 
organized form. 
Patriotism is as old as human affection. It orig- 
inally was love of family or more particularly loy- 
alty to the pater, or the patriarchal head of the fam- 
ily. Patriotism was at one time in its evolution 
synonymous with patriarchalism and with fami- 
lism. It was once love of home; at another time, 
love of clan. In the days of Abraham it was loyalty 
to Abraham and his household. Among the moun- 
taineers today in undeveloped regions of the earth 
where a clan organization rules, patriotism is clan 
loyalty. 
1F. H. Giddings, Principles of Sociology, pp. 117 ff. GROUP LOYALTIES 
251 
In the hey-day of tribal society, patriotism was 
loyalty to the tribe; it was tribalism. Among the 
Bantus, patriotism is Bantu-loyalty. Among the 
Iroquois, patriotism was loyalty to the Iroquois. 
With the rise of the state, patriotism became na- 
tionalism. Today among civilized peoples patriot- 
ism is almost synonymous with loyalty to the na- 
tion. It is a sentiment which manifests a deep at- 
tachment to geographic territory and other national 
values. The Psalmist illustrated this phase of patri- 
otism when he declared:2 
By the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down, yea, 
we wept, when we remembered Zion. 
If I forget thee, 0 Jerusalem, let my right hand 
forget her cunning. 
If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave 
to the roof of my mouth; if I prefer not Jerusalem 
above my chief joy. 
Patriotism is loyalty to patria—by birth or adop- 
tion. The individual identifies his life with that of 
his country. He becomes an integral and control- 
ling factor in its aims and activities. Patriotism 
enables the individual to expand beyond the limita- 
tions of his individuality and partially if not fully 
to identify himself with interests which are larger 
and more important than his own. 
* Psalm 137. 252 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Under national patriotism, familism continues. 
He who is not loyal to his family scarcely knows 
how to be loyal to his nation. If one is not true to 
a small social unit, how can he be faithful to a large 
collectivity ? 
Under nationalism, tribalism also has a place. It 
takes the form of loyalty to local community, city, 
province, or state. Community loyalty is necessary 
in the building of a strong nation-state, otherwise 
there would be too great a hiatus between the na- 
tional structure and the family structures. The 
national roof must be sustained by large and per- 
manent pillars as well as by a large number of small 
supports. Familism and communityism take sub- 
ordinate but vital places in nationalism. 
The most powerful form of group consciousness 
that has yet developed is that form of national pa- 
triotism which arises in connection with national 
defense and national attack. At first it is usually 
highly emotional and charged with electrical feel- 
ings, but after a time it settles down into a stubborn 
struggle for group existence. 
The members of a nation-state may be classified 
under several heads in regard to their loyalty to the 
state in which they live. There are several brands 
and grades of patriotism. (1) Pugnacious patriot- 
ism is an expression of the combative impulses. 
There are many individuals who are continually 
on the lookout for trouble. In a larger sense, many GROUP LOYALTIES 
253 
persons are willing to rush their country into a war 
upon the slightest provocation. If an American in 
a foreign country has been insulted and killed—re- 
gardless of his guilt,—these pugnacious persons 
would have their country declare war immediately. 
Jingoists abound. Combative patriotism does not 
wait for an investigation of causal circumstances. 
It works continuously for an aggressive foreign pol- 
icy ; it is impatient with negotiation. 
(2) Professional patriotism characterizes the 
military class. It is valuable in society where force 
predominates. Its weakness is its tendency toward 
arrogancy and hard-heartedness, and an exagger- 
ated desire for promotion. The arrogancy weak- 
ness has been discussed in the preceding chapter; 
the promotion ambition is illustrated in the extreme 
case of the officer who some years ago expressed a 
hope that the United States would declare war upon 
the Republic of Panama, after she had committed 
a slight breach of courtesy. When asked for his 
reason, he candidly replied: “Because my chances 
for promotion would be greatly increased.” 
(3) Profiteering patriotism raises its bland fea- 
tures in spite of the need for war sacrifices. After 
the entry of the United States into the World War, 
the cry was raised, “Business as usual.” But every- 
one knew that if the war was to be won, business 
could not go on as usual. Before the United States 
declared war, the dividends of certain companies 254 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
which were manufacturing war materials rose rap- 
idly, and after our war declaration, the war profits 
of these firms created millionaires. One American 
openly and shamelessly boasted: “This war has 
surely been a fine thing for me. If it lasts two years, 
I will have made enough money to live in leisure 
the rest of my life.” 
Another profiteering patriot sold to the govern- 
ment shoddy clothing for the soldiers and sailors. 
Still another set up wooden images of the Kaiser, 
and playing upon the war feelings of the passers-by, 
invited them to “Swat the Kaiser”—for ten cents a 
throw. A theater owner subscribed heavily to one 
of the war funds and then advertised that fact wide- 
ly. His theater drew unusually large crowds of peo- 
ple, who felt that they should patronize such an un- 
usually generous proprietor and “patriot.” The 
profiteer hoists the flag, but locks up coal in his 
mines while women and children suffer from the 
cold. He buys up foodstuffs and holds them while 
prices rise and people starve. 
(4) Faddism patriotism gives benefit “teas” in 
war times, despite the fact that such affairs provide 
an unnecessary fourth meal. A young woman who 
wore a service star was found to have no nearer rela- 
tive in the World War than a cousin whom she had 
never seen. She easily justified to herself this ac- 
tion on the grounds that “all the other girls are 
wearing service stars.” In certain cases the carry- GROUP LOYALTIES 
255 
ing of flags upon the front of automobiles includes 
a degree of faddish patriotism. .Shortly after the 
United States declared war in 1917, as high as forty 
per cent of automobiles carried flags, but six months 
later the proportion fell to less than five per cent. 
In the meantime, however, the real patriotism of 
the people had greatly increased. 
(5) Patriotism is sometimes adventuresome. The 
slogan, “Join the navy and see the world,” rec- 
ognizes the adventuresome element in patriotism. 
In the World War there were many young men that 
volunteered who stated that they were moved 
strongly by the desire to go abroad and see “the 
sights,” and who were willing to take a risk in re- 
turning alive. 
(6) Conspicuous patriotism exhausts itself in ap- 
plauding the flag or in patriotic statements, but 
whines when asked to observe meatless days and to 
refrain from using wheat bread. It carries the flag, 
but secretly indulges in profiteering and self-indul- 
gence. It is generally hypocritical; it evaporates in 
patriotic statements. The conspicuous patriot 
loudly abuses others for not going to war—when he 
knows that he can remain safe at home. 
(7) Pacific patriotism is two-fold, (a) There 
are group members who believe in peace at any 
price. As practical citizens they are mistaken and 
sometimes dangerous. It is necessary in times of 
group crisis to be willing to fight to save those social 256 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
values which the group through the slow process 
of time has acquired. As long as powerful national 
wolves are loose in the world, it is folly to believe in 
peace at any price. In such a case a nation may be 
called on to fight not only for itself but for the val- 
ues which civilization has slowly and painfully con- 
structed. Peace-at-any-price individuals possess a 
willingness to undergo hardships and even to die 
for the principles they represent. They frequently 
possess those fine moral qualities which cannot be 
found in the loyal but truculent chauvinist. 
(b) The other type of pacifist patriot tries all 
honorable methods of solving international contro- 
versies before resorting to war. In ordinary peace 
times practically every American would come with- 
in this category. Such persons believe in the prin- 
ciples of peace rather than of war as means of prog- 
ress. In time of war, however, such a declaration 
is likely to be grossly misunderstood. At such a 
time any type of pacifist is anathema. 
(8) Provincial patriotism is exaggerated parti- 
sanship. It praises the tenets of one political party 
and denounces the entire programs of other parties. 
It magnifies and places the interests of one section 
of the country ahead of the welfare of the whole na- 
tion. It measures long distances with the yard- 
stick that it uses in its own provincial area. It op- 
posed the Louisiana Purchase and the acquisition 
of the Philippines. It would settle the Japanese GROUP LOYALTIES 
257 
problem in the United States irrespective of inter- 
national justice. It would prevent our nation from 
functioning fully in the League of Nations. Today, 
as in the time of Epaminondas, there are too many 
provincial patriots in the world. 
(9) Chauvinistic patriotism is dominated by 
watchwords and phrases. It is the direct descend- 
ant of the boastful attitudes of lower races. It wild- 
ly shouts, “My country, right or wrong,” when its 
country may be already on the rocks. It forgets 
that the slogan, “My country, right or wrong,” 
made Germany a menace to the world. It does not 
possess the courage to face national evils and to as- 
sist constructively in righting maladjustments, 
thereby strengthening the nation. 
(10) Traitorism is loyalty to an outside group. 
Traitorism takes several forms. It may show a hyp- 
ocritical loyalty to the country to which genuine 
loyalty is due, and a secret allegiance to some other 
country. It sometimes flies the flag but exploits the 
helpless group members. It squanders money in 
sinful living. It evades the payment of taxes. It 
frequently defies the laws of the nation. 
In recent years, immigrants have migrated to the 
United States from European countries where both 
political and industrial autocrats ruled and where 
revolution seemed to be the only method to get jus- 
tice. Some of these immigrants, feeling keenly a 
sense of economic injustice in our country, have 258 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
undertaken to spread revolutionary propaganda 
throughout the land. They fail to see that the bal- 
lot is open and that when they and others who are 
now fighting against social injustice show enough 
cooperative spirit to elect a president of the United 
States they can have their way in this country where 
majorities and pluralities rule. When the working 
men of this country manifest sufficient cooperative 
spirit to elect a clear majority of the congressmen, 
the power to rule will be in their hands. In view 
of such generous possibilities in our democracy, 
revolutionary propaganda is out of place; revolu- 
tionary propagandists are traitors to the principles 
upon which our republic has been built, and to 
which loyal Americans pledge their fealty and lives. 
Our people need to develop in these transition 
days a new respect for law and order and justice— 
this is the greatest need of the new patriotism. Per- 
sons of high or low estate may well increase their 
interest in public welfare. The people may enlarge 
their national patriotism by participating in the for- 
mation of a scientific internationalism. 
3. National and International Loyalties. True 
national loyalty is based on the belief that there 
must be nation-groups as necessary intermediate 
structures between the family and the community 
on one hand and the world order on the other. It 
begins more or less irrationally and is closely con- 
nected with the accident of birthplace. One comes GROUP LOYALTIES 
259 
to love his native land, even though its faults may 
be many. Wherever one finds food and shelter and 
kindly ministrations, one feels patriotic. 
True national loyalty is national love divorced 
from all selfish motives. It develops with the recog- 
nition that one’s nation group is playing a role of 
unselfishness in the world. It is expressed not only 
in exciting war times, but in the most monotonous 
days of peace. True patriotism functions in both 
peace and war, but it is far more difficult to be pa- 
triotic in peace than in war. In the routine days of 
the work-a-day world, private interests press for- 
ward and command attention. As a result, the in- 
dividual forgets to go to the polls, neglects to study 
the merits of candidates, fails to keep in touch with 
his representatives in legislative and administrative 
positions—in short, to be truly patriotic. 
Super-national loyalty gives all for the sake of its 
nation when fighting in a righteous cause. Super- 
patriots include the Joan of Arcs and the George 
Washingtons, the heroes of Zeebrugge and the Ar- 
gonne, and the unknown, brave mothers and fathers 
who have given up sons and daughters anywhere 
in a righteous national cause. 
Besides loyalty to family, to community, to na- 
tion-state, the trend of social evolution is producing 
another type of collective loyalty—internationalism. 
The world is now on the verge of forming an inter- 
national consciousness and a sense of planetary val- 260 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
ues. President Wilson’s now famous pleas for 
world-wide democracy and the organization of the 
friendship of the world are forerunners of the rise 
of a new world society. President Harding’s con- 
ference on the Limitation of Armaments was an- 
other move toward sound internationalism. 
Unfortunately, international patriotism is di- 
vided into two opposing types, (a) Industrial in- 
ternationalism holds that the industrial classes 
throughout all countries should organize in a world 
order and renounce the existing national govern- 
ments which are the tools of capitalism. Industrial 
internationalism is an outgrowth of Marxian so- 
cialism and is closely allied to Bolshevism. Indus- 
trial internationalism fails to recognize that its pro- 
gram runs counter to the laws of social evolution 
and of democratic growth. No stable international 
order can be built on class consciousness alone. A 
permanent world structure cannot be suspended in 
mid-air, supported chiefly or only by individual, 
familial, or communal units. 
(b) Democratic internationalism is scientifically 
founded. Upon individuals, the family rests. Up- 
on family groups, the community, city, or province 
depends. Upon individuals, families, and commu- 
nities, the nation relies. Upon all these constituent 
elements, and only so, an enduring world organiza- 
tion can be constructed. Ordinarily family loyalty 
fits harmoniously into national loyalty, without GROUP LOYALTIES 
261 
disrupting or weakening the former. Similarly, 
there is no reason why national loyalty should suf- 
fer by locating it properly within the boundaries of 
democratic internationalism. An individual who 
has learned rationally to be loyal to his nation will 
be no less a national patriot by catching a vision of 
the larger internationalism. 
Democratic internationalism is built upon the 
highest virtues and the best moral characteristics of 
the nation. It recognizes that points of view natur- 
ally vary in different national habitats. It would 
not destroy nations since they are selfish, for the 
same reason that a nation would not destroy its 
citizens because they likewise are selfish. 
Democratic internationalism would dignify na- 
tionalism and make it a nobler sentiment. It would 
end economic conflict between nations for the same 
reason that such conflict was stopped between the 
colonies when the United States was formed. It 
would eventually seal the doom of military and na- 
val barriers between nations for the same reason 
that it has never been necessary to separate the 
United States from Canada by fortifications and 
dreadnaughts. 
Planetary good feeling will develop concomitant- 
ly with a world-wide cultural uniformity and en- 
larged means of communication. While commerce 
and religion have strong international organiza- 
tions, education is still represented on a world scale 262 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
only by international congresses on various sub- 
jects. 
4. A World Community Loyalty. Mental inter- 
action on a world basis is a logical phase of social 
evolution. The expanding scope of social inter- 
action is witnessed by the historical succession of 
horde, tribe, tribal confederacy, city-state, feudal 
state, monarchical state, and democratic nation 
state. The next development will be perhaps a 
world community loyalty which will maintain and 
enrich national loyalties, but more important, will 
give a whole new emphasis to human society. A 
relatively small but increasing number of persons 
are attaining a scale of world attitudes.. World or- 
ganizations are being established. Although these 
are voluntary institutions with little power of en- 
forcement of rules, and although they are function- 
ing largely as social units in their own behalf rather 
than in specific support of world community, they 
are nevertheless creating a world opinion, and af- 
fording new and larger bases for the operation of 
world interstimulation. 
Religion, business, science, and art alike have 
leaped the boundaries of nations and are beginning 
to establish world-wide contacts. Foreign travel, 
the universal language of the motion picture, the 
international press associations are indirectly push- 
ing forward the processes of world interaction. Im- 
provements in rapid communication, including ra- GROUP LOYALTIES 
263 
dio telegraphy and telephony, are annihilating men- 
tal as well as geographic distances between popu- 
lation centers and bringing civilization together 
daily around a world conference table. Moreover, 
the essential unity of human minds everywhere has 
been recognized and affords scientific grounds for 
world interaction. 
The Hague Tribunal and international law with 
all their world responsibility implications, although 
helpless in a real international crisis, serve to com- 
mand the respect of the nations for the settlement 
of many ordinary conflicts. The League to Enforce 
Peace set a new world ideal clearly before public 
opinion, while the formation of a League of Nations 
constituted another step in the direction of world 
community. The Washington Conference on Limi- 
tation of Armaments, while based on the dubious 
principle that independent nations should come to 
agreements on world matters without giving up 
even a small degree of sovereignty to a world organi- 
zation, may be viewed, however, as promoting the 
growth of a world public opinion, a world con- 
science, and an open world diplomacy. 
At best, however, the principles of international 
law, and of all agreements made between nations 
as sovereign groups, are likely to break down be- 
cause of the absence of an adequate coercive force 
to compel a self-centered nation to obey. Moreover, 
the absence of the world concept in the minds of na- 264 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
tional leaders in a tangible sense prevents them 
from judging their official acts in the light of world 
needs, and thus leads them, as Germany was led, 
to postulate false national values and ideals. 
Before any League or Association of Nations can 
hope to succeed or before we can speak of abolish- 
ing war, the majority of the people in the leading 
nations will need to learn the meaning of the con- 
cept of the world as a social group, to think in world 
terms, and for a period of time long enough to en- 
able such thinking to become habitual. They will 
need to learn to judge the acts of their respective 
nations from the standpoint of world loyalty, but 
this they cannot do until local, provincial, and na- 
tional thinking is supplemented by world thinking. 
There is an abundance of local minds, but only a 
few world minds capable of grasping the details of 
world problems in their full significance. World 
loyalties can be created by developing habits of 
thinking about world problems. 
Despite the progress which is being made, the 
people of the different leading nations as a class 
have not yet sensed the meaning of world commu- 
nity. The world has reached the point where pub- 
lic opinion speaks of Western civilization or Eastern 
civilization, and where the differences between the 
two, not the likenesses, are receiving the attention 
of hectic and spectacular movements on both sides 
of the Pacific. The average members of the West- GROUP LOYALTIES 
265 
ern social order are widely proclaiming the superi- 
ority of Western civilization. They fail to study, 
either at all, or with unprejudiced minds, the 
worthy points of Eastern development; they see 
chiefly its defects. They even fail to feel humble 
because of the weaknesses of Western civilization. 
Likewise, many of the adherents of Eastern civiliza- 
tion are silently and politely feeling a sense of pity 
for Western chauvinists. Rabindranath Tagore 
freely expresses himself, and scorns Western society 
in certain essentials; while another leader, Gandhi, 
openly repudiates many of the fundamentals of the 
Western social order. 
From the constructive side, we may work out a 
conspectus of the best traits of Western civilization 
by following the path blazed by Charles A. Ell- 
wood.3 These attributes may be divided into two 
classes, those derived from ancient life and those 
from modern (nineteenth and twentieth century) 
times. The two divisions contain four and three 
sets of factors respectively. (1) A set of ethical 
and religious values was derived from the Hebrews 
and early Christians. In the former the major 
concept is justice; and in the latter, love. (2) A 
number of philosophical and esthetic values was 
contributed by the Greeks. (3) A set of adminis- 
trative and legal values, stressing the rights of 
property, originated with the Romans. (4) A set 
‘ The Social Problem, Ch. II. 266 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
of personal liberty values was developed by the early 
Teutons and given concrete modern expression un- 
der the laissez faire doctrine of the nineteenth cen- 
tury in Western Europe and the United States. 
Within recent decades three additional values have 
been produced by Occidentalism, namely, (5) sci- 
entific methods, (6) business and industrial tech- 
niques, and (7) as an antidote to economic ex- 
tremes, humanitarian values. 
For purposes of comparison an analysis of East- 
ern civilization may be suggested here. Orientalism 
is known (1) for its self-sacrifice values, which to 
the Oriental makes Occidentalism seem synony- 
mous with organized selfishness. (2) There is the 
contemplativeness of Orientalism culminating in 
metaphysics. (3) In the East there is custom ven- 
eration, for parents, for established ways, for the 
naturally and socially stable phases of life, and for 
law and order. (4) There is a set of human cour- 
tesy and appreciative values, crystallizing in con- 
ventional standards. (5) Orientalism is esthetic 
and mystically, not rationalistically, philosophic. 
(6) Orientalism is noted for its sense of social sol- 
idarity, which produces a strong sense of patriotism 
and social obligation. The social group and its 
standards are the major concepts and the individ- 
ual, the minor. In the East the family group is the 
unit, as compared with the individual in the West. 
(7) The Oriental lives in generalizations rather GROUP LOYALTIES 
267 
than in particularizations—a principle which is fun- 
damental to the Oriental’s other traits. 
When the positive elements in Western and East- 
ern civilizations are brought together, certain con- 
flicts are evident. For example: 
The rational versus the mystically philosophic 
Particularization versus generalization 
The individual over against the family unit 
Horizontal love versus vertical love 
Fact versus concepts 
Individualism versus solidarity 
Personality versus impersonality 
Liberty versus formality 
Action versus contemplation 
Finding versus losing 
Dominating versus appreciating 
Acquiring versus understanding 
The physical versus the psychical 
Anxiety versus tranquility 
The means of life versus the sake of living 
These contrasts, some of which have been stated 
by scholars such as Inazo Nitobe and K. S. Inui, 
upon reflection provide nothing less than adequate 
bases for building a world community that will be 
superior to either Western or Eastern civilization. 
Many of them are cultural in character; they do 
not represent unreconcilable opposites but differ- 
ences in degree. Many of them are on the surface 
of life. The rationalist is also a mystic, but less 268 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
mystical than the true mystic. The latter is also a 
rationalist, but less of a rationalist than the true 
rationalist. He who particularizes also generalizes 
and assumes generalizations, but less so than does 
the true generalizationist; the latter in turn also 
particularizes but to a lesser degree than does the 
thorough-going particularist. Thus we might con- 
tinue throughout the list of contrasts. After all, 
both Occidentalism and Orientalism are the prod- 
ucts of group life of humans, and in the deepest fun- 
damentals hence may be expected to be similar. 
If this presentation is not convincing and the 
opponent of world community should persist in em- 
phasizing contradictions, it may be stated that the 
laws of human nature, whether of the East or West, 
are evidently of the same pattern as the laws of 
physical nature and the universe. In these realms 
we find harmony built out of so-called opposites. 
The centrifugal and centripetal forces operate to 
produce a universe, and the laws of heredity and of 
variation function together in producing standard- 
ized species and races. If we hold to the theory that 
ours is a dualistic universe, we may well stress the 
fact that it is a wm-verse. There is one harmony, 
and within this harmony there are two general sets 
of apparently contradictory elements, centripetal 
and centrifugal, heredity and variation, stability 
and change, light and darkness, evolution and rev- 
olution, individualism and solidarity, conflict and GROUP LOYALTIES 
269 
cooperation, hate and love. The concept of the 
world as a group unit involves a synergizing of Oc- 
cidentalism and Orientalism, and is based on uni- 
versal grounds and social logic. 
It now remains to indicate some of the rising 
tendencies of world loyalty. (1) The world as a 
community unity is becoming psychically one fast- 
er than racially one. Mankind had a common ori- 
gin, but dispersed in various directions over the 
earth. In migrating, man encountered environ- 
ments, and became differentiated into races and cul- 
tures. The cultures are now being united. The in- 
ventions in communication have brought the peo- 
ple of the world into close contact, and made pos- 
sible the production of a world civilization. The 
common culture will perhaps always show marked 
variations, but its unity is apparently fundamental. 
Inasmuch as the different climatic regions of the 
earth will continue to function in producing dark 
and light-skinned races, and sunny and serious peo- 
ple, distinct races biologically will probably remain, 
although an increasing amount of racial admixture, 
intermarriage, and amalgamation may be expected 
to take place. 
(2) The world as a group unit is being character- 
ized by an expansion of the individual’s sense of 
ethical responsibility. The concept of progress is 
probably marked by this phenomenon more than by 
any other. Moreover, it is only a puny conception 270 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
of man’s ethical possibilities which would deny the 
continued expansion of man’s sense of social re- 
sponsibility—to include mankind. 
(3) Human civilization is slowly moving toward 
a world political structure superior in strength to 
the most powerful nations today, and yet jealously 
guarding the needs of individual nations, both large 
and small. There is no reason why it may not be 
built out of the virtues of present-day nations; it 
probably will not abolish nations, but foster them 
as long as they work for the planetary good. It will 
undoubtedly do away with hyper-nationalism, pro- 
vincialism, and chauvinism. It can hardly function 
well unless it eliminates the balance of power theo- 
ry, the secret treaty habit, and territorial aggran- 
dizement schemes. 
(4) World loyalty is becoming democratic; 
moreover, history throws overwhelming doubt on 
the possibility of a world political structure being 
built out of autocratic principles without carrying 
in itself the elements of decay and self-destruction. 
Rulership from the top down exclusively, bears its 
own seeds of destruction in the prolonged power 
which it gives the few over the many. Through au- 
tocracy, even the education of the multitude can be 
subverted. 
The evidence indicates that not autocracy but 
aristocracy will exist with democracy in world com- 
munity. The tendency is toward a democratic aris- GROUP LOYALTIES 
271 
tocracy, an aristocracy that is being guided by the 
needs of the many, that is not wasting itself in ex- 
travagant living, that endeavors to stimulate all in- 
dividuals to reach increasingly higher levels of so- 
cial achievement, and thus create a democracy of 
social aristocrats, of superior men and women with 
unselfish super-world attitudes. 
Industrial democracy is developing as a charac- 
teristic of the world as a social group. Neither la- 
bor nor capital is entitled to full control. One has 
as its chief goal, capital; the other, wages; both 
these ends are materialistic, low grade, and in con- 
flict at times with democratic and spiritual values. 
According to present kowledge, an enduring world 
community will place service values in control, not 
only of labor and of capital, but also of all occupa- 
tional and professional activities of man. Individ- 
uals in increasing numbers are striving with one 
another in rendering service. Profitism and spec- 
ulation are being slowly supplanted by the service 
attitude. A creditable advance has already been 
made in putting the service standard in charge of 
several professions, such as the ministry, teaching, 
social work, the judiciary, medicine. 
(5) The world as a group unit is becoming in- 
creasingly spiritual. The trend of evolution is un- 
mistakably from the dominance of the physical 
forces to control by spiritual forces. The psychic 
factors in civilization have been gradually emerging 272 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
into positions of control. The need for decades has 
been urgent for the establishment of a universal 
language, common to all mankind. A truly inter- 
national university would further the evolution of 
world community. Clearly some force, such as 
Christianity’s dynamic of love, is needed in order to 
maintain in effect the implications of the world as a 
social group. Humanitarianism is not enough, for 
it has no goal outside itself, and is apt to become 
self-centered and professional. The Christian prin- 
ciple of love is humanitarian, but more—its ulti- 
mate goal is located outside and beyond humanity. 
Thus it becomes a dynamic force for perpetually 
putting new and sacrificial living into world loy- 
alties. Science has invented such powerful engines 
of human destruction that the people of the world 
are not safe until they learn to appreciate the man- 
ifold implications of the concept of the world as a 
group, and on the basis of good will to develop hab- 
its of appropriate behavior. 
A world community loyalty will not change the 
processes of mental interaction, but will enlarge 
their scope, unify their basic operations, and create 
a new plane on which they may function. Fur- 
thermore, philosophy and religion have formulated 
still more comprehensive group loyalties than that 
implied by the concept of world community. For 
example, Christianity has dared to project a loyalty 
which includes not only the present world society, GROUP LOYALTIES 
273 
but also that unnumbered host who have run well 
and finished this earthly race: in fact a vast society 
of which the living earthly group is but a manifes- 
tation. Christianity has been so radical that unto 
familism, tribalism, nationalism, internationalism, 
it has added universalism in the sense of a loyalty to 
a society—the Kingdom of God—infinite in size and 
character, without beginning and without end. 
PROBLEMS 
1. What is group loyalty? 
2. Should the chief basis for religous fellowship be 
“agreement in belief or agreement in ideal” ? 
3. Why does the morality of diplomacy and war lag 
behind the morality of individuals? 
4. Why do woman’s legal rights “lag behind her gen- 
erally acknowledged moral rights” ? 
5. What is your definition of patriotism? 
6. Explain: “A great deal of so-called patriotism is but 
the crowd emotion of a nation.” 
7. Name and illustrate a type of patriotism which is 
not discussed in this chapter. 
8. Can a good patriot be a bad citizen? 
9. How do you rate the patriotism in the sentiment: 
My country, right or wrong? 
10. What is “patrioteering” ? 
11. Should there be an international flag? 
12. When is it easiest to be patriotic? 
13. Distinguish between patriotism, nationalism, and in- 
ternationalism. 
14. Will a world community loyalty become general soon 
or in the distant future and why? 274 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
15. What was the earliest group that you remember be- 
ing loyal to? 
16. To how many groups do you now experience definite 
loyalty? 
17. How can loyalty best be developed? 
18. Can one be a good nationalist and internationalist at 
the same time? 
19. Is it practical to be a world patriot at the present 
time? 
20. What do you think is the best procedure to follow 
in order to guarantee world peace and progress? 
READINGS 
Coe, G. A., “The Basis of Social Cooperation,” Religious 
Education, 13: 171-79. 
Cooley, C. H., Social Organization, Part VI. 
Social Process, Ch. XXVIII. 
Crawshay-Williams, E., “The International Idea,” Intern., 
Jour, of Ethics, XXVIII: 273-92. 
Fayle, C. Ernest, The New Patriotism. 
Giddings, F. H., Democracy and Empire, Ch. IV. 
Howard, G. E., “Ideals as a Factor in the Future Control of 
International Society,” Publications of the Amer. So- 
ciological Society, Vol. XII: 1-10. 
Kropotkin, P., Mutual Aid; a Factor in Evolution. 
Mathews, Shailer, Patriotism and Religion. 
McDougall, William, The Group Mind, Parts II, III. 
Nicolai, G. F., The Biology of War. 
Pillsbury, W. B., Psychology of Nationality and Interna- 
tionalism. 
Spencer, Herbert, The Study of Sociology, Ch. IX. 
Veblen, Thorstein, The Nature of Peace, Ch. II. Chapter IX 
GROUP CONTROL AND PROGRESS 
1. The Nature of Group Control. Social inter- 
stimulation often is caused by individual initia- 
tive conflicting with group standards. As a conse- 
quence the individual is subject to many types of 
social restraint. Although nearly all these social 
controls have arisen from past group experiences, 
they are not always adequate guides for limiting 
current individual action. Almost all the means 
for group regulation of individuals have evolved 
spontaneously, effectively, and slowly from human 
needs, and have been put into operation bunglingly. 
Social restraints have been exercised rarely to meet 
carefully ascertained group welfare. But nearly all 
possess more merit than their haphazard manner of 
development would imply. 
Social pressures are essential to progress. Every 
group exercises control over its members as a mat- 
ter of group self-protection and in order that the 
energy of the members may not be dissipated in so- 
cially disintegrating ways. It is an encouraging sign 
when a group does not rely absolutely upon the au- 
tomatic use of controls, but begins to determine for 276 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
its constituents constructive, telic, and socialized 
methods of change. It is a socially hopeful day 
when a group undertakes to diagnose itself, and up- 
on the basis of that diagnosis, to establish con- 
sciously and wisely determined sets of social re- 
straints and social encouragements. 
Social controls are commonly too rigid in certain 
particulars, too lax in other ways, and too emotion- 
ally haphazard in nearly all regards. Since group 
pressures generally operate as objective instru- 
ments, the individual is occasionally misjudged, co- 
erced unjustly, and inadvertently encouraged to fo- 
ment social sedition. Often he is not properly stim- 
ulated to make his best contributions to his group 
and to society. 
Consequently, from the standpoint of group wel- 
fare certain exceedingly vital questions must be 
faced. (1) In regard to any new movement, how 
much social control shall a group exercise? (2) 
What shall be the nature of this control? (3) By 
what methods shall it be applied? If too much pres- 
sure is exerted by the group, individual initiative is 
stifled and progress halted. If too little restraint is 
employed, group cohesion is endangered, and social 
chaos may result. The problem is not only one of 
quantity of control, but also a matter of quality of 
control and of the time of application. For exam- 
ple, what kind of control shall a parent use over a 
child who is objectively telling “stories,” but sub- GROUP CONTROL AND PROGRESS 
277 
jectively is giving his imagination free rein? Shall 
the teacher use the same variety of control in hand- 
ling a mischievous boy who is bubbling over with 
energy as in dealing with one who is deceitful? Shall 
society use the same controls in prescribing treat- 
ment for an obstreperous fanatic as for a delinquent 
corporation? Also, shall controls be applied blunt- 
ly, arbitrarily, belatedly, or shall they be exercised 
through the persons who are to be controlled, indi- 
directly, and in proper season? And fundamen- 
tally, what are the main agencies of social control, 
2. Agencies of Social Control. (1) Customs 
and conventions are powerful social controls. They 
begin to influence the child from birth, or even from 
before birth. An infant is born into a maze of in- 
herited traditions which determine his general de- 
velopment during the years of his helplessness. Pa- 
rental customs and conventions largely determine 
the nature of his food, his earlier habits, and the 
stimulation or non-stimulation of his thought-life. 
As soon as he ventures from parental care, he finds 
himself in a network of established rules of con- 
duct—in school, on the playground, at church. 
The prestige of custom affects the adolescent tre- 
mendously. Ceremony and ritual combine to mold 
his habits and his feeling-attitudes. When an indi- 
vidual is initiated into either a fraternal or a reli- 
gious organization, he is impressed, by means of the 
ritual, with the importance of the given organiza- 278 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
tion, of the ideals of the group, and often of his own 
insignificance. When individuals regularly join to- 
gether in singing, they become united and perhaps 
permanently socialized. Thus consciously and un- 
consciously they feel the force of ritual and cere- 
mony. 
Taboo is another custom—negative in nature— 
that operates as a powerful social control. “Thou 
shalt not” has been pronounced in relation to a 
thousand phases of life, all the way from primitive 
Tierra del Fuego to sophisticated London, and from 
the historic tablets of Moses to the forceful warn- 
ing of a modern Roosevelt. The taboo is enforced 
through the assertion that evil consequences will 
follow its violation. Thus, sometimes, the primitive 
lad is kept out of the cocoanut tree, the modern boy 
from the watermelon patch, and the adult in all 
climes from the broad road that leads to destruction. 
(2) Practically every personal belief is a social 
control. From his family, play, school, and church 
life, the individual acquires personal beliefs which 
fundamentally affect his conduct. As a result of 
these beliefs he prides himself upon making his own 
decisions and upon being self-made, whereas the 
various groups of which he has been a member have 
in reality made many of his decisions for him—by 
their teachings' and influence. He is not self-made 
to the extent that he believes and boasts. He is par- 
ent-made, school-made, playground-made, church- GROUP CONTROL AND PROGRESS 
279 
made to a degree which he little suspects or would 
cheerfully admit. 
Personal religious beliefs, according to which the 
individual lives continually under the direction of 
an all-powerful Being whose eye “seeth in secret,” 
function effectually.1 Both law and public opinion 
can be evaded, but not a Judge who is all-seeing, all- 
knowing, and all-powerful. 
(3) Another potent social control is law, which 
is a phase of custom with present-day modirications. 
Since law is codified, it is especially commendable 
as a control. It is written with exactness, and hence 
is tangible, economical, and specific. It is highly 
preventive, because its provisions can be published 
succinctly, far and wide, and with due notice re- 
garding its methods of operation. It acts with cer- 
tainty. Within general limits, given offences against 
society will be punished in specific ways, times, and 
places. 
The weaknesses of law in exerting social pressures 
are many. It often acts with provoking slowness, 
allowing offenders to escape due punishment. It 
does not search out the subjective phases of con- 
duct, and hence its judgments are sometimes mis- 
placed, and sometimes they fail to reach the real 
causes of group offense. Its action is frequently 
1 See the excellent chapters on this subject by E. A. Ross in his Social 
Control. 280 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
paralyzed by the financial, social, or political power 
of the offender. 
(4) The government is a powerful agent of con- 
trol. In the United States under war conditions 
the government provided for the compulsory service 
of all men between certain ages, dealt vigorously 
with open or secret disloyalty, and censored the 
news and hence partially regulated public opinion. 
In Germany in peace times the government through 
its control of the educational system brought up a 
generation according to its preconceived, aristo- 
cratic, military ideas. It is clear that to preserve 
the liberties of the individuals of the state, public 
educational institutions must be supplemented by 
equally powerful private educational institutions 
with freedom to criticize constructively the state it- 
self and the social values. It is not so important 
to build a strong state control of citizens as it is to 
train strong individuals fundamentally imbued 
with a nation-state loyalty, and motivated by public 
interest more than by private advantage. 
(5) Education represents a multitude of con- 
trols. Education through the schools, the press, 
and the platform, as well as through the other main 
social institutions, is the parent of all social con- 
trols. Unconscious and conscious imitation of 
ideas, beliefs, and feelings regulates the individual’s 
conduct. The group, through education, can train 
its rising generation in any direction that it wills. GROUP CONTROL AND PROGRESS 
281 
Consequently, group education must not be deter- 
mined by a small coterie of selfishly minded indi- 
viduals but by the entire membership. 
(6) Art wields an unconscious influence over 
individuals. The music of three centuries ago 
which sways multitudes today effectively molds 
current conduct. Through the feelings, music melts 
individuals and re-directs their energies. In hymns 
and songs people live over the joys, sorrows, and 
anticipations of past generations. Community sing- 
ing and pageantry socialize individuals. 
(7) Public opinion rules individuals.2 Public 
opinion is the general background of the socially 
reflected self. The force of public opinion is so pow- 
erful that only the strongest minded persons can 
stand out against it. With the development of mar- 
velous systems for the transmission of ideas, pub- 
lic opinion often gains cyclonic power. 
Public opinion compels unpatriotic individuals to 
buy Liberty bonds, to respond cheerfully to special 
public service calls, to live better morally than their 
desires dictate, to meet regularly a minimum of 
group responsibilities. Public opinion functions 
immediately. Its siren voice of praise or blame 
sounds promptly after the individual acts. There is 
less delay than in the case of law. 
* The advantages and disadvantages of public opinion as a form of con- 
trol have been comprehensively discussed by E. A. Ross, Social Control, 
Ch. X, Social Psychology, Ch. XXII; by Tarde, L’opinion et la foule; by 
Sighele, La joule criminelle. 282 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Public opinion is an inexpensive method of regu- 
lating individuals. Public opinion requires no law- 
yer’s fees; it works gratuitously. It is preventive, 
for1 people fear its onslaught and modify their con- 
duct accordingly. It is more flexible than custom or 
law. It strikes ruthlessly into secret places and 
fearlessly ferrets out motives. 
On the other hand, group opinion travels on the 
tongues of gossips and acquires greatly exaggerated 
forms under the influence of professional tale-bear- 
ers. It is not precise or codified. It muddles, dis- 
torts, and contradicts. It provokes people to violent 
rage and whimsical performances. It arouses peo- 
ple and sends them out with the hangman’s noose 
in search of offenders. It produces vigorous denun- 
ciations that sometimes swiftly float away. 
Public opinion rarely represents group unanim- 
ity. An offender can always find some group mem- 
bers in whose opinion his offense is condoned, ex- 
cused, or even praised and applauded. When re- 
sponsibility is shifted, as is done oftentimes in the 
case of corporate conduct, public opinion wavers, 
loses its force, and allows the guilty parties to escape 
its lash. 
The agencies of social control are manifold, in- 
tricately related, and omnipresent. They operate 
continuously. They are in constant combat with 
individual initiative, invention, and freedom. They GROUP CONTROL AND PROGRESS 
283 
have functioned primarily as repressive agents; 
they are becoming forces of social encouragement. 
3. Constructive and Repressive Control. His- 
torically, society has stressed social inhibition rath- 
er than social inspiration. It has utilized fear 
rather than hope. It has compelled rather than in- 
spired. It has impinged rather than stimulated. It 
has carried the role of “Thou shalt not.” It has fea- 
tured repression, prohibition, negation. The He- 
brew commandments were negative controls. The 
Puritans established a set of negative controls over 
recreation and amusements. Nearly everywhere 
society has been content to throw offenders into 
dark, repressive jails. Parents are noted for their 
negative injunctions to children—“Don’t do this,” 
“Don’t do that.” 
Society has an elaborate protective philosophy 
which is fully developed as a negative instrument. 
It applies opprobious names to any individual who 
varies from group standards. Heretic, shyster, quit- 
ter, boner, knocker, tom-boy, sissy, fraid-cat, rene- 
gade, traitor—these are a few of the epithets which 
the group uses in order to protect itself. In the 
navy, the following terms illustrate the protective 
philosophy which serves corrective purposes: white 
mouse, handshaker, scoffer, scupper, rookie, bucker, 
a boat, a kick out. The immigrant must bear the 
following contact with protective philosophy: Dago, 
Hunkie, Sheeny, or Chink. Protective philosophy 284 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
serves useful purposes, but easily vitiates the cause 
it represents when it takes an unjust form. Epi- 
thets when applied to incoming immigrants who 
have not had the time or the opportunity to become 
adjusted are deplorable. They greatly hinder the 
cause of Americanization. 
Negation alone is insufficient; it must be accom- 
panied by opportunities for expression. If a child 
is acting wrongly, that action proves that he pos- 
sesses energy which is seeking an outlet. If that en- 
ergy is dammed up with a prohibition, and no outlet 
provided, it will presently either break through the 
dam or go over the banks at some unsuspected weak 
place, causing harm to the individual himself and 
probably to others. If an adult commits a crime, 
that act indicates the presence of misdirected en- 
ergy. If society merely shuts up the criminal in a 
dark jail, feeds him poorly, and gives him a hard 
place where he can not sleep, his energy will express 
itself through brooding and automatically produce 
a sense of injustice if not bolshevistic desires. 
Constructive social control is society’s method of 
encouraging the expression of individual energy 
constructively. The wise parents find that to the 
degree which they become play directors for their 
children, the need for formal discipline diminishes. 
Likewise, when a city establishes a recreation park 
in a congested district, delinquency in that neigh- 
borhood decreases. When a manufacturing concern GROUP CONTROL AND PROGRESS 
285 
gives its employees representation upon managerial 
boards, industrial unrest largely disappears. 
The constructive protective philosophy of groups 
has been inadequately developed. The “hero” clas- 
sification of positive terms is much smaller than the 
“traitor” and “heretic” set of negative nomencla- 
ture. Further, the appeal to hope does not touch 
apparently as deep chords of human nature as does 
the fear of pain. Nevertheless, every group may 
well specialize upon its positive protective philos- 
ophy. 
A primitive, emotional group must be ruled more 
or less arbitrarily—from above or from without— 
but an educated group can be controlled democrati- 
cally—by releasing the many self-controlled springs 
of socio-rational interests of individuals. Positive 
social control endeavors to secure “the least total 
suffering, and then proportional suffering,” and fi- 
nally, to further all the constructive processes of in- 
dividual and social growth. 
Groups have exercised social encouragement by 
awarding honors, degrees, and prizes. But these 
have made their appeal to the few. Society needs 
on a large scale to institute a program for inspiring 
every member. The masses need increased inspira- 
tion, not only to contribute to the welfare of their 
own groups, but to society. The masses need to be 
given constructive mass visions. 
Constructive control is synonymous with the 286 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
wholesome phases of social telesis. It seeks to dis- 
cover the underlying principles of progress. It works 
out programs of advance. It stimulates all indi- 
viduals everywhere to subordinate standards of in- 
dividual success and power to ideals of societary 
welfare. It strives constantly to change all anti-so- 
cial into social attitudes and activities. 
On the other hand, repressive control often exer- 
cises inadequate, misplaced influence upon individ- 
uals. It has unintentionally made the need stand 
out strongly for positive social encouragement. It 
has caused social unrest. An underlying law of 
social control is that the more nearly social justice 
is obtained, the less the necessary quantity of nega- 
tive social control. 
Constructive control will provide all individuals 
with a full opportunity for creative effort. It will 
stimulate initiative, invention, and leadership abil- 
ity. It will transform imitators into inventors, en- 
rich personalities with socialized desires, and crown 
society itself with new life and achievements. 
4. Group Change. Groups and their constituent 
individuals rarely remain psychically stationary; 
they are either retrograding or advancing, for the 
processes of social interaction are normally char- 
acterized by innumerable stimuli. These stimuli 
arouse and develop human energies which tend to 
be expressed evolutionarily or revolutionarily, de- 
pending upon the nature of social control that is op- 
erating at successive moments. GROUP CONTROL AND PROGRESS 
287 
Too much social restraint produces a social crust 
and social stupefaction. If there be sufficient indi- 
vidual vitality and initiative, unrest will ensue, rev- 
olutions will foment, and the social crust will be 
broken. Hence, through revolutions with all the 
attendant suffering, loss of life, and chaos, the group 
may progress. If individual enterprise be too weak, 
and if the body politic be too flabby, then the crust 
will continue to increase in thickness until group 
life is smothered. On the other hand, if too little 
or too inadequate control be employed, the centrif- 
ugal forces will gain undue power, anarchistic and 
bolshevistic tendencies will increase, and social dis- 
integration will likely follow. 
There are two main forms of group change and 
progress—the slow and the rapid, the quiet and the 
disturbing, the natural and the abnormal, the evo- 
lutionary and the revolutionary. If the leaders pos- 
sess common sense, patience, flexibility, and a social 
vision, the natural and normal evolutionary method 
of growth will prevail. With an educated member- 
ship and socially wise leaders, revolutions are un- 
necessary. 
While customs afford group continuity and con- 
stitute social heredity, they must not be permitted 
to impinge too much or to extend their authority 
beyond their usefulness. Customs must not be al- 
lowed to grow too many tentacles or to grip too 
hard. Although traditions are vital to group unity 288 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
and progress, yet they may stifle the very spirit 
which gave them their original power. All similar 
tendencies must likewise be guarded against if evo- 
lutionary processes are to swing clear of obstacles. 
An evolutionary society maintains and encour- 
ages the spirit of constructive criticism. Outworn 
ideas often become deeply cherished in human 
hearts or firmly entrenched behind brusque fortifi- 
cations. If a group would grow steadily, it should 
maintain a welcome and a fair hearing for new 
ideas. It is human nature to accord grudgingly 
an open mind to new and disturbing ideas. It has 
been well said that one of the greatest pains in the 
world is the pain of a new idea, but it is to such 
ideas that evolutionary societies must grant hear- 
ings. History is full of painful new ideas which 
have been ultimately accepted. Note these: 
That the earth is round; 
That slavery should be abolished; 
That women should vote; 
That a League of Nations should be established; 
That laboring men should organize; 
That everybody should work. 
Migration is a leading cause of gradual social 
change. When an individual moves from Iowa to 
California he leaves behind him much of the old GROUP CONTROL AND PROGRESS 
289 
furniture and accumulated bric-a-brac and some of 
the old traditions. From the moment of his arrival 
he is frequently “shocked.” Former methods of 
acting are found to be out of place in the new envi- 
ronment. One by one and at tremendous mental 
cost changes are made. Five years later, newcom- 
ers from Iowa are astounded at the changes which 
have occurred in the lives of their former neighbors, 
who have been forced to respond to the call of new 
life-conditions. If people migrate in the early years 
of life, then the new elements in the adopted home 
region are acquired with alacrity. 
Often the newcomers bring new ideas. Some- 
times immigration will awaken a stagnant commu- 
nity. At any rate there is usually a wholesome in- 
terstimulation between immigrant and native which 
gives a new spirit to the one or the other, and thus 
to the entire community. 
Imitation is essential to evolutionary change. As 
pointed out in an earlier chapter, no one imitates 
a copy exactly. In each imitation, modification oc- 
curs. These changes small in the particular are 
powerful and world moving in the aggregate. 
Again, imitation is the process by which new ideas 
and inventions spread from one individual to an- 
other, and from group to group. 
Invention is normally a part of evolution. New 
ideas are the initial centers of change. From these 290 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
centers the elements of progress normally pulsate 
and produce irregular but continual changes. 
Revolutionary change comes only and belatedly 
when the methods of evolution fail. If provisions 
in a dynamic society are not made for group 
changes, then the suppressed forces will foment, and 
gathering momentum, will burst the bonds of un- 
due suppression. Progress may ultimately result, 
but the cost of the explosion in terms of human suf- 
fering and social damage will be excessive. 
Individuals in positions of group authority some- 
times shortsightedly find it advantageous to make 
the group organization static. Then they encyst 
themselves in this organization, and having gor- 
mandized, they naively rest—until the social explo- 
sion comes and the “top” of society is blown off. 
Then comes an upsetting of the social equilibrium, 
a period of chaos which does not end until a new so- 
cial order is obtained. While such a revolution 
makes some gains, it produces disrespect for law 
and order and thus fosters new evils. 
Whenever social institutions become inflexible, 
the forces of revolution begin to move. In dynamic 
groups there are four causes of revolution. (1) In- 
tellectual stagnation at the top holds back a whole 
institution, even a nation, until the mentally sup- 
pressed but alert can gain control. Sometimes a 
military program fails because those at the head are 
incompetents. Individuals in authority often lack GROUP CONTROL AND PROGRESS 
291 
the mental vision to encompass the changes which 
are brought by a new era, but remain in power— 
until thrust aside. Preceding the French Revolu- 
tion, an intellectual and privileged class developed 
a “rigid organism.” In order to get into this crust- 
ed aristocracy, it was necessary for an individual to 
have sixteen noble ancestors. This rigidity was a 
leading cause of the social explosion which is gen- 
erally called the French Revolution. 
(2) Political autocracy caused the American 
Revolution. The American colonists protested 
time and again against the traditional rules of po- 
litical unfairness which England had arbitrarily 
imposed. But King George would not heed, and 
hence the Revolution was inevitable. 
(3) Economic oligarchy is often a powerful ad- 
junct of political autocracy in causing revolutions. 
In Russia for centuries an economic oligarchical 
rule had become politically enthroned. The forces 
of discord gained sufficient strength to attempt a 
revolution in 1905, but failed. Their shattered 
hopes were reorganized, and gaining momentum, 
completely upset the established rule of special priv- 
ilege in 1917. 
(4) Religious cant and dogmatism have been the 
causal elements in one bitter church schism after 
another. Religious dogmatism has often ruled na- 
tions, especially where the church and state have 292 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
been combined in authority. The church when in 
positions of state) control has tended to become in- 
flexible. The conservatism of the Church of Rome 
produced Lutheranism; and of the Church of Eng- 
land, Puritanism and Wesleyanism. 
In recent years in England whenever the agencies 
of revolt gain sufficient strength to threaten a se- 
rious disturbance of the government, a Lloyd 
George appears with concessions strong enough to 
satisfy temporarily the liberals and yet of such a 
character that the conservatives begrudgingly grant 
them. The situation then runs somewhat smoothly 
until another social disturbance occurs. Thus Eng- 
land today is advancing by skillful adjustments be- 
tween the forces of evolution and revolution, and 
is proving again the dictum of Turgot that “well- 
timed reform alone averts revolution.” 
As a method of procedure, violence breeds vio- 
lence. Revolution creates more revolution—and 
the end may be the destruction of the virtues of civ- 
ilization as well as the evils. Revolutionists, as pro- 
fessionals, are prone to fatten on social evils, even 
when these maladjustments are not fundamental. 
Revolutionists, after overthrowing an old order, of- 
ten prosper by living upon the economic fruits of a 
disinherited oligarchy. But the day comes when 
these confiscated gains are exhausted, and the revo- 
lutionists, having failed to build up a stable order, 
are in a state of mutual distrust and anarchy. Then, GROUP CONTROL AND PROGRESS 
293 
progress must be courted over and over again by 
the slow processes of evolution. 
A group tends to exert the greatest pressure upon 
its most vigorous members—without always dis- 
tinguishing between its benefactors and its enemies. 
It viciously crushes out its conscientious objectors 
without observing that nearly all these persons pos- 
sess the very courage which makes any group strong. 
By fiendish methods of suppression the group sows 
the seeds of discontent and revolution. 
5. Social Progress. Throughout this book defi- 
nite hints have been given from the viewpoint of 
social psychology of a theory of social progress. In 
these concluding pages this theory will be summar- 
ized and stated more exactly. Social progress is 
determined by the amount, quality, and methods 
of social control, and upon the extent, quality and 
persistence of individual initiative, inventiveness, 
and leadership. It depends upon the amount and 
quality of mental interaction or of constructive 
stimuli which function. While progress is usually 
related to conflicts between persons and groups, yet 
beneath the conflicts there are usually common in- 
terests and a common social nature. Progress con- 
sists basically in enriching the quality of and mul- 
tiplying these common and social interests. 
Social progress is the result of a constructive con- 
flict between personal leadership and social con- 
trol. These two factors are in constant interaction. 294 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Upon the basis of the cultural development of his 
day, the individual comes upon accidentally or after 
a carefully directed search finds or invents a new 
idea or method. The new mode must pass the test 
of social criticism. If its adoption means the re- 
jection of traditional standards, then a conflict en- 
sues. The new is championed by enthusiastic lead- 
ers ; the old, likewise, is championed by chivalrous 
defenders. The conflict may be long drawn out, as 
in the case of the fight over prohibition; or it may 
be short and swift, as in the debate in our Congress 
over conscription. 
If the proposed activity is genuinely superior to 
the established procedure, and if the group is char- 
acterized by a fair degree of flexibility, then the new 
will win its way to general acceptance. Upon the 
basis of this new cultural advance, still better ideas 
and methods will be discovered and invented, and 
the process described in the preceding paragraph 
will be repeated. Thus, the individual initiates, in- 
vents, and leads; and the group adopts and sup- 
ports. In other words, there is specialization and 
integration—specialization by a few and integration 
by the many. 
Conflict is a disturbing but necessary element 
both in personal and in group progress. It is con- 
flict which awakens individuals and makes them 
active. Conflict gives zest to life, drives away ennui, 
and prompts the creative expressions of personality. GROUP CONTROL AND PROGRESS 
295 
Conflict must not occur between social forces that 
are markedly unequal, lest the weaker be destroyed 
and the stronger grow flabby through lack of stren- 
uous competition. To be most advantageous, con- 
flict must occur between nearly equal forces. Con- 
flict should not be suppressed altogether, but so- 
cially controlled—upon the grounds of relative 
equality and of social productivity. 
Conflict must be held within the bounds of social 
rules or else it will inevitably and quickly descend 
to the levels of prejudice and brutality. Social reg- 
ulations must keep conflict upon productive planes 
and raise it from level to level—physical, mental, 
spiritual, in order. 
Within groups, conflicts must be kept alive be- 
tween the official and the unofficial forces. Private 
associations must be free to compete with the public, 
or governmental organizations. The political party 
in power needs continuously to face the honest criti- 
cism of parties not in power. Governmental and 
private ownership of economic enterprise are both 
essential. Neither in itself alone contains all the 
elements of sustained progress. One works for the 
public interest and the other fosters private initia- 
tive. But with all the economic resources owned 
and operated by the government a powerful class 
control would result and individual initiative would 
decrease. With all economic resources owned by a 
few gigantic interlocking monopolies, the govern- 296 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
ment would be shackled economically and public 
welfare would be rendered subservient to the ca- 
prices of the privileged few. Under either set of cir- 
cumstances group retrogression would sooner or 
later take place. The dual existence of public and 
private economic organizations seems to be essen- 
tial. Neither complete socialism nor complete indi- 
vidualism alone will guarantee progress; neither by 
itself allows for that degree of conflict and wide- 
spread interaction and stimulation which is essen- 
tial to prolonged group advancement. 
In all fields of human endeavor private associa- 
tions are needed to experiment with new ideas, to 
initiate new movements, and to prod up the public 
agents, keeping them upon levels of efficiency. The 
public, or official, organizations are needed to repre- 
sent all factions and to carry forward activities 
which all agree upon. The interaction between 
these two types of social structures will be widely 
beneficial and mutually helpful if socially harnessed 
and directed. 
In a similar way the progress of the world de- 
pends upon a balanced interaction and co-operation 
between large, or national units, and the interna- 
tional group, or mankind. Any world order is 
clearly unstable that rests upon fifty sovereign 
groups, each deciding what is right, honorable, and 
just for the other forty-nine, and each regulated in 
its actions by no inclusive authority. The nature of GROUP CONTROL AND PROGRESS 
297 
human progress during the past millennium indi- 
cates the need for a set of generally accepted plane- 
tary values, a thriving world opinion, an organiza- 
tion of the friendship of the world, and a smoothly 
functioning League of Nations. A telic program 
along democratic lines for world harmony, justice, 
and progress is imperative. If it is necessary and 
wise to form judicious plans for the individual, the 
industrial corporation, the church, the nation-state, 
how much greater is the need and the wisdom of 
consciously making provision for world progress ? 
National conflicts must not continue upon the de- 
structive levels of physical combat, secret alliances, 
balances of power, competitive consumption, but 
upon the slowly ascending inclines of productive 
competition and social benefit. The national units 
may each give a portion of their power to a world- 
inclusive organization, which shall make the rules 
for all conflicts and competitions. Each shall then 
play according to the rules of the world society and 
within the bounds determined by economically pro- 
ductive and socially meritorious standards. 
Any group of individuals must determine, if it 
would wisely progress, the direction which its devel- 
opment may best take. It must decide upon the 
types of control it shall use for different individual 
members. It must stress positive control, putting 
liberal premiums upon individual initiative, new 
ideas, methods, and inventions along its chosen 298 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
paths of development. The highest lines of telic 
advance for any group lie in the direction of world- 
wide human welfare. 
Such a trend involves the rise of socialized think- 
ing, according to which all processes, even the most 
intellectual, must be subordinated to the needs of 
human beings. Socialized thinking results in a will- 
ingness to recognize and encourage ability wherever 
found—under any color of skin or on any social 
level. Socialized thinking leads to true democratic 
controls, grounded in sacrificial habits of individ- 
uals, in habits which lead an individual to respond 
to a social situation, first, from the standpoint of the 
welfare of all the persons in the given situation, and 
second, from his own welfare. Socialized acting 
and thinking produce rich and well-balanced per- 
sonalities, those whose original nature has been or- 
ganized into socialized habits. Social progress, in 
conclusion, is not found in the advancement of per- 
sons at the expense of the group, or of the advance- 
ment of the group at the expense of its personnel, 
but consists rather in the simultaneous improve- 
ment of both personalities and group life through 
the processes of social interstimulation and re- 
sponse. GROUP CONTROL AND PROGRESS 
299 
PROBLEMS 
1. What is social control? 
2. In what way have you felt the effect of group co- 
ercion ? 
3. Is more social control needed in a dense or in a 
sparse population? 
4. In a homogeneous or a heterogeneous population? 
5. In time of war or of peace? 
6. In a society stratified by classes or in a society not 
so divided? 
7. Why is it sometimes necessary for teachers to use 
“polite coercion” in order to get students to work? 
8. In what particulars is there a high degree of social 
control in the United States today? 
9. In what ways is there very little control in our coun- 
try? 
10. In what ways in the United States is more control 
needed? In what regards is less control needed? 
11. What are the dangers of too much group control? 
12. What happens when there is too little group control? 
13. In what ways is public opinion the best method of 
control ? 
14. Is the sardonic newspaper cartoon more effective in 
moulding public opinion than the good-natured cartoon? 
15. Which is the more effective in forming public opinion, 
the cartoon or the editorial? 
16. What is the chief advantage of law as an agent of 
control ? 
17. Why are the laws in the United States often easily 
broken? 
18. What is the strongest point of custom as a type of 
control? 300 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
19. Does a religious organization or a business organiza- 
tion bind “its members more closely to custom” ? 
20. Define: The protective philosophy of a group. 
21. Explain: The tyranny of the majority. 
22. Distinguish between “the tyranny of the majority” 
and “the fatalism of the multitude.” 
23. Is it true that the members of a small minority, no 
matter how meritorious its side of the question may be, are 
always called “traitors” and other scurrilous names, by an 
overwhelming majority? 
24. Why are infamous names applied to refractory mem- 
bers of a group? 
25. How generally are individuals aware of being under 
group control? 
26. Wherein would lie the need for social control if ev- 
ery member of society were completely socialized? 
27. Explain: The state is more rapacious than it allows 
its citizens to be. 
28. Who are the professionals whose business it is to 
maintain the social order? 
29. Which standards do people think about the more: 
Those of their own group, those of the class above them, or 
those of the class below them? 
30. What is the best way to estimate the volume of so- 
cial control at any time in a given society? 
31. Is there reason to believe that in years to come social 
control will be more necessary in the United States than it 
is now? 
32. Is persecution a good method of controlling individ- 
uals? 
33. Is it wrong to punish those who persist in folly that 
hurts only themselves? 
34. Illustrate: “There never has been a society that did 
not tolerate or approve some conduct that was bad for it.” GROUP CONTROL AND PROGRESS 
301 
35. Which has the greater influence in developing a stu- 
dent, a large university or a small college? 
36. Why is education “the most efficient form of social 
control in modern society” ? 
37. Explain: “We who would like to love our neighbors 
as ourselves are maintaining systems of social control that 
actually prevent us from doing so.” 
38. Give a new illustration which distinguishes between 
constructive and repressive control. 
39. Are the needs of the individual always in line with 
group advancement? 
40. Are the needs of the nation always in the direction 
of world progress? 
41. Explain: “When everybody thinks alike, nobody 
thinks at all.” 
42. Why is it unwise to be either an “individualist” or 
a “socialist” in matters involving human progress? 
43. Does life in the United States today stifle one’s op- 
portunities for believing and judging, and increase one’s op- 
portunities for doing and enjoying? 
44. Illustrate natural social progress. 
45. Illustrate telic social progress? 
46. What is the chief cause of social revolution? 
47. What is the greatest danger in revolution? 
48. What is the main advantage of social evolution? 302 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
READINGS 
Bernard, L. L., “The Conditions of Social Progress,” Amer. 
Jour, of Sociol., XXVIII: 21-48. 
Bristol, L. M., Social Adaptation. 
Bosanquet, Helen, “The Psychology of Social Progress,” In- 
tern. Jour, of Ethics, VII: 265-81. 
Case, C. M., Non-Violent Coercion. 
Cooley, C. H., Social Process, Ch. XXXIV. 
Dewey, John, “Progress,” Intern. Jour, of Ethics, XXVI: 
311-22. 
Ellwood, C. A., An Introduction to Social Psychology, Chs. 
IV, VIII, XII, XIII. 
Sociology in its Psychological Aspects, Chs. VIII, 
IX, XVIII. 
“The Modifiability of Human Nature and Human 
Institutions,” Jour, of Applied Sociol., VIII:211-21. 
Gault, R. H., Social Psychology, Ch. IX.. 
Giddings, F. H., Studies in the Theory of Human Society, 
Ch. XIV. 
Democracy and Empire, Ch. V. 
Hocking, W. E., Human Nature and its Remaking, Ch. XXL 
Holmes, S. J., The Trend of the Race, Ch. XVI. 
Jenks, J. W., “The Guidance of Public Opinion,” Amer. Jour. 
of Sociol., I: 158-69. 
Keller, A. G., Societal Evolution. 
Kelsey, Carl, The Physical Basis of Society, Ch. XI. 
Kidd, Benjamin, Social Evolution. 
Lippmann, Walter, Public Opinion. 
Ogburn, W. F., Social Change. 
Park and Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology, 
Chs. XII, XIV. 
Paton, Stewart, Human Behavior, Ch. XIV. 
Patrick, G. T. W., The Psychology of Social Reconstruction. GROUP CONTROL AND PROGRESS 
303 
Ross, E. A., Outlines of Sociology, Ch. XXX. 
Social Control. 
Social Psychology, Ch. XXII. 
The Social Trend. 
Shepard, W. J., “Public Opinion,” Amer. Jour, of Sociol., 
XV: 32-60. 
Social Control, Vol. XII, Publications of the Amer. Sociol. 
Society. 
Tarde, Gabriel, Social Laws, Ch. III. 
Todd, A. J., Theories of Social Progress. 
Ward, L. F., Dynamic Sociology, Vol. II, Ch. X. 
Pure Sociology, Ch. XX. 
Yarras, V. S., “Human Progress; the Idea and the Reality,” 
Amer. Jour, of Sociol., XXI: 15-29. Selected Bibliography of Books 
Baldwin, J. M., Social and Ethical Interpretations, Macmil- 
lan: 1906. 
Bianchi, R., L’etica e la psycologia sociale, Turin: 1901. 
Boas, Franz, The Mind of Primitive Man, Macmillan: 1911. 
Brinton, D. G., The Basis of Social Relations, Putnam’s: 
1902. 
Christensen, Arthur, Politics and Crowd Morality (tr. by E. 
English), Dutton: n. d. 
Conway, Martin, The Crowd in Peace and War, Longmans, 
Green: 1915. 
Cooley, C. H., Human Nature and the Social Order, Scrib- 
ner: 1922. 
Social Organization, Scribner: 1909. 
Social Process, Scribner: 1918. 
Cutten, G. B., The Psychological Phenomena of Christianity, 
Scribner: 1908. 
Davis, Jr., M. M., Psychological Interpretations of Society, 
Columbia Univ. Studies: 1909. 
Dewe, J. A., Psychology of Politics and History, Longmans, 
Green: 1910. 
Dewey, John, Human Nature and Conduct, Holt: 1922. 
Edman, Irwin, Human Traits, Houghton Mifflin: 1920. 
Ellwood, C. A., An Introduction to Social Psychology, Apple- 
ton: 1917. 
Sociology in its Psychological Aspects, Appleton: 
1912. 
Finot, Jean, Race Prejudice (tr. by Wade-Evans), London: 
1906. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF BOOKS 
305 
Fouillee, A., Esquisse psychologique des peuples europeens, 
Paris: 1903. 
Gault, R. H., Social Psychology, Holt: 1923. 
Giddings, F. H., Studies in the Theory of Society, Macmil- 
lan: 1922. 
Gowin, E. B., The Executive and His Control of Men, Mac- 
millan: 1915. 
Hayden, E. A., The Social Will, Lancaster, Pa.: 1909. 
Hobhouse, L. T., Morals in Evolution, Holt, 1907. 
Howard G. E., Social Psychology (an analytical reference 
syllabus), Univ. of Nebraska: 1910. 
Joly, Henri, Psychologie des grands hommes, Paris: 1891. 
Knowlson, T. S., Originality, Lippincott: 1918. 
Kropotkin, P. A., Mutual Aid, a Factor in Evolution, Knopf: 
1917. 
Lacombe, P., La psychologie des individus et des societes, 
Paris: 1906. 
Le Bon, Gustave, The Crowd, London: 1903. 
The Psychology of Peoples, Macmillan: 1909. 
The Psycholcrgy of Revolution, Putnam: 1913. 
The Psychology of the Great War, Macmillan: 
1916. 
Leopold, Lewis, Prestige, London: 1913. 
Lippmann, Walter, Public Opinion, Harcourt, Brace: 1922. 
Maclver, R. M., Community, Macmillan: 1917. 
Martin, E. D., The Behavior of Crowds, Harper: 1920. 
McComas, H. C., The Psychology of Religious Sects, Revell: 
1912. 
McDougall, William, An Introduction to Social Psychology. 
Luce: 1914. 
The Group Mind, Putnam: 1920. 306 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Novicow, Jaqcues, Les luttes entre societes humaines, 1904. 
Odin, Alfred, Genese des grands hommes, Tome I, Paris: 
1895. 
Ogburn, W. F., Social Change, Huebsch: 1922. 
Orano, Paolo, Psicologia sociale, Bari, Lacerta: 1901. 
Patrick, G. T. W., The Psychology of Social Reconstruction, 
Houghton Mifflin: 1920. 
Paton, Stewart, Human Behavior, Scribner: 1922. 
Paulhan, F., Psychologie de Paris, 1901. 
Platt, Charles, The Psychology of Social Life, Dodd, Mead: 
1922. 
Ross, E. A., Principles of Sociology, Century: 1920. 
Social Psychology, Macmillan: 1908. 
Social Control, Macmillan, 1910. 
Foundations of Sociology, Macmillan: 1905. 
Rossy, P., Les suggesteurs de la foule; psychologie des me- 
neurs, Paris: 1907. 
Sarfatti, G., Contriheto alio studio della psicologia sociale, 
1910. 
La psicologia sociale e le sue relazion con la storia, 
1908. 
Schmidkunz, H., Psychologie der Suggestion, Stuttgart: 1892. 
Seashore, C. E., Psychology in Daily Life, Appleton: 1913. 
Sidis, Boris, Psychology of Suggestion, Appleton: 1911. 
Sighele, Scipio, Psychologie des sectes, Paris, 1898. 
La foule criminelle, Paris, Alcan: 1892. 
Simmel, Georg, Uber sociale Differenzierung, Liepzig: 1890. 
Social Control, Vol. XII, Publications of the American Socio- 
logical Society. 
Pillsbury, W. B., The Psychology of Nationality and Inter- 
nationalism, Appleton: 1919. 
Robinson, J. H., The Mind in the Making, Harper: 1922. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF BOOKS 
307 
Tarde, Gabriel, The Laws of Imitation, Holt: 1903. 
Social Laws, Macmillan: 1907. 
L'opinion et la joule, Paris: 1901. 
La logique sociale, Paris: 1895. 
Etudes de psychologie sociale, Paris: 1897. 
Vopposition universelle, Paris, 1897. 
Thomas, W. I., Source Book for Social Origins, Univ. of Chi- 
cago Press: 1909. 
Sex and Society, Univ. of Chicago Press: 1907. 
The Polish Peasant, Vol. I, Badger: 1918 
Trotter, W., Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War, Mac- 
millan: 1918. 
Veblen, Thorstein, The Theory of the Leisure Class, Mac- 
millan: 1912. 
The Instinct of Workmanship, Macmillan: 1914. 
The Nature of Peace, Macmillan: 1917. 
Vincent, G. E., The Social Mind and Education, New York: 
1907. 
Wallas, Graham, The Great Society, Macmillan: 1914 
Human Nature in Politics, Houghton Mifflin: 1906. 
Our Social Heritage, Yale Univ. Press: 1921. 
Ward, L. F., Dynamic Sociology, Appleton: 1915. 
Psychic Factors in Civilization, Ginn: 1906. 
Williams, J. M., Principles of Social Psychology, Knopf: 
1922. 
Wundt, William, Elements of Folk Psychology (tr. by 
Schaub), London: 1916. Selected Articles 
Allen, Grant, “Genesis of Genesis,” Atlantic Mon., XLVII: 
371-81. 
Allport, F. H. and G. W., “Personality Traits: Their Classi- 
fication and Measurement,” Jour, of Abnormal Psy- 
chology and Social Psychology, XVI: 6-40. 
Bentley, M., “A Preface to Social Psychology,” Psych. Rev. 
Monogr., 1916, 21, No. 92, 1-25. 
Biggs, A. H., “What Is Fashion?” Nineteenth Cent., XXX- 
III: 235-48. 
Bosanquet, Helen, “The Psychology of Social Progress,” In- 
tern. Jour, of Ethics, VII: 265-80. 
Brown, H. C., “Social Psychology and the Problem of a 
Higher Nationality,” Intern. Jour, of Ethics, XXVIII: 
19-30. 
Case, C. M., “Instinctive and Cultural Factors in Group 
Conflicts,” Amer. Jour, of Sociol., XXVIII: 1-20. 
Cooley, C. H., “Genius, Fame, and the Comparison of 
Races,” Annals of the Amer. Acad., IX: 317-58. 
Dewey, John, “The Need for Social Psychology,” Psycholog- 
ical Rev., XXIV:266-77. 
“Progress,” Intern. Jour, of Ethics, XXVI: 311-22. 
Ellis, G. W., “The Psychology of American Race Prejudice,” 
Jour, of Race Development, 5: 297-315. 
Ellwood, C. A., “The Modifiability of Human Nature and 
Human Institutions,” Jour of Applied Sociol., VII: 
229-237. 
Folsom, Joseph K., “The Social Psychology of Morality and 
its Bearing on Moral Education,” Amer. Jour, of So- 
ciol., XXIII: 433-90. SELECTED ARTICLES 
309 
Foley, Caroline A., “Fashion,” Econ. Jour., Ill: 458-74. 
Foulke, W. D., “Public Opinion,” Nat’l Munic. Rev., Ill: 
245-55. 
Fry, E., “Imitation as a Factor in Human Progress,” Con- 
temp. Rev., LV: 558-75. 
Gault, R. H., “Psychology in Social Relations,” Amer. Jour, 
of Sociol., XXII: 734-48. 
“The Standpoint of Social Psychology,” Jour, of 
Abnormal Psychology and Social Psychology, XVI: 
41-46. 
Gumplowicz, L., “La suggestion sociale,” Riv. ital. di sociol., 
IV: 545-55. 
Hall, G. S., “Social Phases of Psychology,” Amer. Jour of 
Sociol., XVIII: 613-21. 
Howard, G. E., “Social Psychology of the Spectator,” Amer. 
Jour, of Sociol., XVIII: 33-50. 
Howerth, I. W., “The Great War and the Instinct of the 
Herd,” Intern. Jour, of Ethics, XXIX: 174-87. 
James, William, “Great Men, Great Thoughts, and the En- 
vironment,” Atlantic Mon., XLVI: 441-59. 
Jenks, J. W., “The Guidance of Public Opinion,” Amer. Jour, 
of Sociol., I: 158-68. 
Kantor, J. R., “How is a Science of Social Psychology Pos- 
sible?” Jour, of Abnormal Psychology and Social Psy- 
chology, XVII: 62-78. 
Kline, L. W., “The Sermon: A Study in Social Psychology,” 
Jour, of Relig. Psychol, and Education, I: 288-300. 
Lazarus, M. and H. Steinthal, “Einlertende Dedanken liber 
Volker-Psychologie,” Zeitschr. fur Volker-Psycholo- 
gie, I: 1-73. 
Leuba, J. H., “Psychology and Sociology,” Amer. Jour, of 
Sociol., XIX: 323-42. 
“Methods and Principles in Social Psychology,” 
Psychological Bui, XIV: 367-74. 310 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Linton, E. J., ‘The Tyranny of Fashion,” Forum, III: 59-68. 
Lumley, F. E., “Slogans as a Means of Social Control,” Pub- 
lications of the Amer. Sociological Society, XVI: 
120-134. 
Mach, Ernst, “On the Part Played by Accident in Invention 
and Discovery,” Monist, VI: 161-75. 
Maclver, R. M., “What is Social Psychology?” Sociological 
Rev., VI: 147-60. 
McDougall, William, “The Use and Abuse of Instinct in So- 
cial Psychology,” Jour, of Abnormal Psychology and 
Social Psychology, XVI:285-333. 
Mead, G. H., “Social Psychology as a Counterpart to Phys- 
iological Psychology,” Psychological Bui., VI, 401-408. 
“Social Consciousness and the Consciousness of 
Meaning,” Psychological Bui., VII: 397-405 
Miller, H. A., “Patriotism and Internationalism,” Publica- 
tions of the Amer. Sociological Society, XVI: 135-144. 
“The Group as an Instinct,” Amer. Jour, of Sociol., 
XXVII: 334-43. 
Morse, Josiah, “The Psychology of Prejudice,” Intern. Jour, 
of Ethics, XVII:'490-506. 
Mumford, Eben, “The Origins of Leadership,” Amer. Jour, 
of Sociol., XII: 216-40, 367-97, 500-31. 
Ormund, A. T., “The Social Individual,” Psychological Bui., 
VII: 27-41. 
Patrick, G. T. W., “The Psychology of Crazes,” Popular Sci- 
ence Mon., XVIII: 285-94. 
Patten, S. N., “The Laws of Social Attraction,” Popular 
Science Mon., XVIII: 285-94. 
Ross, E. A., “Acquisitive Mimicry,” Amer. Jour, of Sociol., 
XXI: 433-45. 
“The Principle of Anticipation,” Amer. Jour, of So- 
ciol., XXI: 577-600. SELECTED ARTICLES 
311 
Schnapp, Zora, “A Review of Some Present Tendencies in 
Social Psychology,” Jour, of Abnormal Psychology 
and Social Psychology, XVII:93-103. 
Shaler, N. P., “The Law of Fashion,” Atlantic Mon., LXI., 
386-98. 
Shepard, N. J., “Public Opinion,” Amer. Jour, of Sociol., 
XV: 32-60. 
Sidis, B., “A Study of the Mob,” Atlantic Mon., LXXV: 
188-97. 
Simmel, G., “Fashion,” International Quarterly, X: 130-55. 
Spender, H., “Is Public Opinion Supreme?” Contemp. Rev., 
LXXXVIII: 411-23. 
Tawney, G. A., “The Nature of Crowds,” Psychological Bui., 
II: 329-33. 
Terman, L. M., “A Preliminary Study of the Psychology 
and the Pedagogy of Leadership,” Pedagog, Sem., XI: 
413-51. 
Thomas, W. I., “The Psychology of Race Prejudice,” Amer. 
Jour, of Sociol., IX: 593-611. 
“Province of Social Psychology,” Congress of Arts 
and Science, V: 860-68; and in Amer. Jour of Sociol., 
X: 445-55. 
“The Gaming Instinct,” Amer. Jour, of Sociol., VI: 
650-63. 
Tosti, G., “Social Psychology and Sociology,” Psychological 
Rev.y: 347-81. 
Vincent, G. E., “The Rivalry of Social Groups,” Amer. Jour, 
of Sociol, XV: 469-84. 
Washburn, F. W., “The Social Psychology of Man and the 
Lower Animals,” in Studies in Psychology Contrib- 
uted by Colleagues and Former Students of E. B. 
Titchener, Worcester, 1917, pp. 11-17. 
Woolston, H. B., “The Urban Habit of Mind,” Amer. Jour, 
of Sociol., XVIII: 602-14 312 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Yarros, V S., “The Press and Public Opinion,” Amer. Jour, 
of Social., V: 372-82. 
“Human Progress: The Idea and the Reality,” 
Amer Jour, of Sociol., XXI: 15-29. 
“Isolation and Social Conflicts,” Amer. Jour of So- 
ciol., XXVII: 211-221. INDEX 
Ability, special, 178 
Abraham, 250 
Absolutism, 221 
Accommodation, 243 
Acquisitive tendency, 59 
Acquisitiveness, 57 ff. 
Action, 55 
Incongruous, 96 
Individual, 275 
Adolescent, the 277 
Addison, 92 
Adjustment, social, 224 
Administrative values, 265 
Admiration, 80 
Adventuresome patriotism, 255 
Aeolipile, invention of, 162 
Aeroplane, the, 165 
Africa, 235 
Agencies of social control, 277 
Alexandria, Hero of, 162 
Alter, the, 101 
Amalgamation, 269 
American Revolution, 291 
Americanization, 237, 284 
Amusement, commercialized, 77 
Anarchism, 221 
Ancestor worship, 74 
Animal groups, 70 
Anger, 77 
Angles, the, 221 
Anonymity, 199 
Appreciative values, 266 
Aptitudes, 55 ff. 
Social, 69 
Aristocracy, 270 
Aristotle, 19, 20, 92 
Art, and social control, 281 
Creative, 162 
Ascendancy, individual, 187 
Social, 187 
Assembly, the, 197 ff. 
Assimilation, race, 233 
Association, human, 249 
Of ideas, 49 
Athenian democracy, 244 
Athletics, college, 86 
Athletic teams, as play groups, 76 
Athletics, intercollegiate, 195 
Atmosphere, inventive, 161 
Attitudes, social, 286 
Super-world, 271 
World, 262 
Authority of leaders, 172 
Auto-suggestion, 115 
Autocratic leaders, 173 
Autocracy, 270, 291 
Baldwin, J. Mark, cited, 101 
Ballot, the, 258 
Bantus, the, 251 
Barbarism, 196 
Bases, emotional, 192 
Feeling, 192 
Beethoven, 165 
Behavior, mirthful, 91 
Socially reflected, 84 
Subconscious, 49 
Belief, personal, 278 
Bell, Alexander, 120 
Bergson, Henri, cited, 92, 93, 96 
Bernhardi, 226 
Biological bases of conflict, 219 
Blood feud, origin of, 62 
Bolshevism, 59, 260 
Branca, G., 163 
Brutalizing nature of war, 232 
Builder, group, 175 
Business, 262 
And invention, 175 
Canada and U. S., 261 
Capital, 271 
Carver, Thomas N., cited, 218 
Caste, the, 208 
Caucasians, 235 
Celts, 221 
Ceremony, 277 
Change, group, 286 ff. 
Chaplin, Charlie, 96 
Character, development of, 89 
Imitation of, 92 
Chauvinistic patriotism, 257 
Child, invention in the, 156 
In play group, 75 
Children, development of, 210 
Laughter of, 95 
Social consciousness of, 102 
China, 74 
Choice, margin of, 53 
Choosing, 53 ff. 
Christianity, 272 
Christians, early, 265 
Citizenship, education in, 233 314 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Civilization, an invention, 167 
Eastern, 264 ff. 
Group transmission of, 190 
Western, 264 ff. 
Clan, loyalty, 250 
Clark, Francis E., 172 
Class, the, 209 
Consciousness, 260 
Industrial, 260 
Clothing, ornamental, 132 ff. 
Cognition, 43, 50 , 
Cognitive reaction, 50 ff. 
Collective loyalty, 259 
College athletics, 86 
Combative forces, 65 
Impulses, 233, 252 
Patriotism, 253 
Tendency, 63 
Combativeness, 60 ff. 
Comedy, 92 
Commerce, 261 
Commercialized amusement, 77 
Committee, the, 199 
Communication, 30, 34, 36 
Instruments of, 201 ff. 
Inventions in, 269 
Community loyalty, 252 
World, 262, 272 
Competition, in prejudice, 238 
Productive, 217 
Compromise, spirit of, 211 
Conduct, reflection of, 85 
Rules of, 73 
Conflict, 69 
And cooperation, 223 
And progress, 217, 294 ff. 
Biological bases of, 219 
Culmination of, 244 
Destructive, 216 
Economic, 261 
Groups, 215 ff. 
Mental, 240 
National, 297 
Of selves, 216 
Psychological, 219 
Racial, 216 
Secondary, 222 
Spirit of, 211 
Conjugal love, 83 
Consanguinal love, 84 
Conscience, individual, 104 
World, 263 
Conscientious objectors, 293 
Consciousness imitation, 116 
Consciousness, 53 
Group, 252 
Conspicuous patriotism, 255 
Constructive control, 283 ff. 
Consumption, competitive, 217 ff. 
Contact, different forms of, 29 
World-wide, 262 
Contagion, group, 94 
Contest, athletic, 195 
Contra-suggestion, 111 
Control, constructive, 283 ff. 
Group, 275 ff. 
Repressive, 283 ff. 
Social, 22, 276 ff. 
Controversy, international, solution 
of, 256 
Convention, 136 ff„ 297 
Imitation, 120, 143 
Conventionality, 22, 137 
Conversation, 35 
Conversational group, 192 
Cooley, C. H., cited, 22 
Cooperation, and conflict, 223 
National, 222 
Cooperative effort, 70 
Courage, 233 
Council, 211 
Courts of justice, 82 
Of law, 226 
Craze, the, 120, 123 ff. 
Creation of wants, 129 
Creative group, the, 211 
Crowd, the, 192 ff. 
Crusoe, Robinson, 162 
Cultural values, 21 
Cultures, union of, 269 
Curiosity and invention, 159 
Impulses, 57 
Current opinion, 248 
Curve, the mob, 196 
Custom, 19, 138 ff., 287 
Imitation, 22, 120, 138 ff. 
Prestige of, 277 
Veneration, 266 
Cyrus the Great, 155 
Czars, the, 242 
Davies, G. R., cited, 179 
Deception as competition, 218 
Declaration of Independence, 91 
Defense, organized, 225 
Degradation, theory of, 92 
Deliberation, 242 
Delinquents, decrease of, 284 
Democracy, and aristocracy, 270 
Athenian, 241 
Denomination, religious, 208 
Development of character, 89 
Deviations, in invention, 164 
Dewey, John, 24 
Differences, individual, 188 
Race, 236 ff. 
Differentiation, individual, 126 
Sex, 131 
Direct suggestion, 108 
Discussion, conflicts, 239 ff. 
Groups, 210 
Disintegration, group, 249 
Disturbance, mental, 77 
Dogmatism, 291 
Dominance, group, 187 
Dress Reform League, 135 
Duel, psycho-societary, 220 
Durkheim, cited, 224 INDEX 
315 
East, the Far, 237 
Eastern civilization, 266 
Economic organization, 207 
Struggle, 219 
Values, production of, 219 
Edison, Thomas A , cited, 160 
Education and genius, 182 
And leadership, 178 
And social control, 280 
Group, 281 
On world-scale, 261 
Effort, cooperative, 70 
Creative. 286 
Ego, the, 101 
Egoistic, impulses, 73 
Ellwood, Charles A., cited, 24, 265 
Emotion of the group, 115 
Social, 77 
Sympathetic, 78 
Emotions, the, 77 ff. 
Energy, misdirected, 284 
England, 291 
Ennui and emotions, 77 
Enthusiasm, 194 
Environment, 28, 50 
And genius, 179 
And heredity, 223 
Psycho-social, 249 
Social, 50, 181 
Epaminondas, 257 
Erotic persuasion, 219 
Esthetic values, 265 
Ethical values, contributions of, 265 
Production of, 219 
Evil, the social, 71 
Evolution, in conflict, 218 
In invention, 163 
Social, 262 
Evolutionary change, 289 
Executive leaders, 174 
Existence, struggle for, 72 
Expectation, theory of, 92 
Expression, symbols of, 31 
Facial gestures, 32 
Fact, 241 
Fad, the, 120, 122 
Faddism, patriotism, 254 
Familism, 250, 252 
Family, as social institution, 84, 205 
Basis of, 72 
Child in the, 73 
Loyalty, 260 
Patriarchal, 132 
Fashion, imitation, 22, 120 ff. 
Social psychology of, 121 ff. 
Fear, 80, 283 
Feeling-attitudes, 277 
Reactions, 40 
Feelings, 40 ff. 
Agreeable, 73 
Of the public, 201 
Feud, origin of the blood, 62 
Fighting impulses, 216 
Propensity, 226 
Filial love, 84 
Forces, group, 189 
Parental, 189 
Physical and spiritual, 271 
Formation of language, 33 
Fraternal organization, 71, 277 
Freedom, margin of, 54 
Of discussion, 241 
French Revolution, 291 
Friendship, international, 228, 233 
Galton, Francis, cited, 178 
Gandhi, 265 
Gang, as play group, 76 
Laughter of, 95 
Gault, R. H., 24 
Generalizations, 266 
Genius, and leadership, 170 
Nature of, 177 ff. 
Germany, 207, 219, 264, 280 
Gestures, as language, 31, 34 
Facial, 32 
Pantomimic, 32 
Giddings, F. H., cited, 222 
Gossip, 240 
Government and social control, 280 
Gowin, E. B., cited, 169 
Greeks, 221 
Contributions of, 265 
Gregarjous impulses, 70, 191 
Gregariousness, 69 ff. 
Group, action of the, 91 
Builders, 175 
Change, 286 ff. 
Cohesion, 276 
Conflicts, 215 ff. 
Consciousness, 252 
Contagion, 94 
Continuity, 287 
Control, 275 ff. 
Creative, 211 
Development, order of, 204 
Discussion, 209 ff. 
Disintegration, 249 
Dominance, 187 
Education, 281 
Emotion, 115 
Forces, 189 
Heterogeneous, 193 
Homogeneous, 193 
Loyalties, 248 
Manipulator, 175 
Morale, 249 
Occupational, 205 
Opinion, 282 
Originators, 177 
Parental, 189 
Permanent, 204 ff. 
Pressure, 276 
Primary, 209 ff. 
Priority, 187 
Protective philosophy of, 283 ff. 
Representative, 176 316 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Response mechanisms, 191 
Socially reflected behavior of, 91 
Standards, 275 
Stimuli, 190 
Telic, 207 
Temporary, 192 
Transmission, medium of, 190 
Unanimity, 282 
Unity, 249 
Growth, of social personality, 101 
Gunpowder, 165 
Habit, 24, 44 ff. 
Formation of, in play, 77 
Occupational, 206 
Habitual reactions, 43 
Habituation, 49 
Hague, Tribunal, the, 263 
Harding, Warren G., 260 
Hate, 82, 231 
Hauser, Casper, 189 
Hebrews, contribution of, 265 
Family life of, 74 
Moral rules of, 74 
Heracles, 155 
Heredity, 223 
Hero of Alexandria, 162 
Hero worship, 95 
Herodotus, 241 
Hobbes, Thomas, cited, 92 
Home, the, 73 
Conditions of delinquents, 72 
Horde, the, 207 
Howard, George Elliott, cited, 22 
Human nature, laws of, 268 
Original, 28, 37 
Humanitarian values, 266 
Humanitarianism, 272 
Hume, David, cited, 20, 70, 90 
Hypnotic influence, 176 
Ideas, association of, 49 
Creation of new, 210 
Disturbing, 288 
Group transmission of, 190 
Incongruous, 97 
New, 288 ff. 
Outworn, 288 
Ignorance, 235 
Illegitimacy, 71 
Imagination, 51 
Imitation, 14, 21, 116 ff. 
And evolutionary change, 289 
Conscious, 280 
Convention, 136 ff., 143 
Custom, 138 ff. 
Fashion, 121 ff. 
Irrational, 143 
Product of group life, 187 
Rational, 142 ff. 
Unconscious, 280 
Immediate suggestion, 111 
Immigrants, 236, 2S7, 284 
Immigration, effect of, 289 
Incongruity, 92 ff. 
Incongruous action, 96 
Ideas, 97 
Indirect suggestion, 109 ff. 
Independence, Declaration of, 91 
Individual ascendancy, 187 
Differences, 187 
Differentiation, 126 
Initiative, 275, 282 
Individuality, development of, 169, 
187 
In invention, 156 
In leadership, 168 
Industrial classes, 200 
Democracy, 271 
Unrest, 285 
Industry and Invention, 162 
Infant, the, 188 ff., 277 
Influence, parental, 72 
Inherited talent, 179 
Traditions, 277 
Initiative, individual, 275, 282 
Injustice, social, 258 
Inquisitiveness, 56 ff. 
Insanity, 70 
Insinuation, 111 
Instruments of communication, 202 
Instinctive behavior, 38 ff. 
Intellectual leaders, 174 
Intercollegiate athletics, 195 
Interaction, mental, 13, 28, 210. 
239, 248, 250 
And progress, 293 
On world basis, 262 
Process of, 272 
Social, 91 
Interests, 251 
Sectional, 256 
Socio-rational, 285 
Intermarriage, 269 
International controversy, solved, 
256 
Friendship, 228 
Law, 263 
Loyalties, 258 ff. 
Patriotism, 260 
Internationalism, 259 ff. 
Interstimulation, social, 215, 262, 
275 
Inui, K S., 267 
Inventive atmosphere, 161 
Invention, 120, 122, 154 ff. 
Social, 222 
Iroquois, 251 
Irrational imitation, 120 
Isolation, 238 
Japanese, the, 236 
Problem, the, 256 
Jealousy, 82 
Jefferson, 91 INDEX 
317 
Joan of Arc, 59 
ournalism, 201 
Joy, 77 
Justice, 265 
Courts of, 82 
Kant, cited, 92 
Kingdom of God, 273 
Labor, 271 
l.aissez faire doctrine, 266 
Language, 30 
Universal, 203, 272 
Language formation, 33 ff. 
Latins, 221 
Laughter, 93 ff. 
Law, courts of, 226 
As social control, 279 
International, 263 
Respect for, 73, 258 
Leadership, 14, 154, 168 ff. 
And progress, 293 
League of Nations, 204, 208, 222, 
227, 228, 231, 263, 297 
League to Enforce Peace, 263 
Learning, 55 
Le Bon, Gustave, 192 
Legal values, 265 
Legislator, the, 176 
Like-mindedness, 188 
Limitation of Armaments, con- 
ference, 260 ff. 
Literary society, the, 243 
Lombroso, cited, 179 
London, 278 
Love, 83 ff., 259, 265 
Loyalty, group, 248 ff. 
National, 209, 258 ff. 
World community, 261 ff. 
Lutheranism, 292 
Lynching, 82, 238 
Magnetic leader, 174 
Magyars, 236 
Margin of choice, 53 
Of freedom, 54 
Of uniqueness, 168 
Masses, the, 285 
Maternal love, 83 
McDougall, William, cited, 23, 81, 
112 
Mechanisms, group response, 191 
Memories, poor, 52 
Mendel, Gregor, 165 
Mental disturbance, 77 
Energy and leadership, 169 
Mental interaction, 13, 28, 210, 
239, 248, 250 
On world basis, 262 
Metaphysics, 266 
Metric system, the, 166 
Migration, 288 
Military class, the, 253 
L«fe.. effec‘ of, 230 
Millerism, 125 
Mirthful, self, 93 
Mirthfulness, 100 
Mob, the, 195 ff. 
Monogamy, 205 
Mongolians, 236 
Mood, laughing, 95 
Moral values, 219 
Morale, group, 249 
More, Sir Thomas, cited, 20 
Mores, the, 138 
Moses, 278 
Mountaineers, 250 
Mutuality, 239 
Napoleon, 169, 196 
NasSiS*j?i 209'258 *■ 
2°4'222’22?. 
Nature, original human, 28, 37 
Laws of human, 268 
Social, 69, 248 
Volitional, 78 
Neanderthal man, 190 
Negro African, the, 235 
New ideas, 288 
New Testament, 165 
Newspapers, 201 ff. 
Nietzche, F., 226 
Nitobe, Inazo, 267 
Nullification of expectation, 92 
Obedience, cited, 179 
Occidentalism, 266, 268 
OC206Pat'On’ S0C'al Psychology of, 
Occupational habit, 206 
Odin, 179 
Oligarchy, economic, 291 
Omaha, 196 
Openness, principles of, 227 
Opinion, public, 203 
And fact, 241 
And social control, 281 
Currents of, 244 
Opposition, constructive, 220 
Order, rules of, 197 
Organization, economic, 207 
Fraternal, 71 
In war, 229 
World, 260, 262 
Organized defense, 225 
Orientalism, 266, 268 
Original human nature, 28, 37 
Origination, group, 177 
Ornamental clothing, 132 ff. 
Ornamentation, sex, 131 318 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Pace-setter, of fashion, 130 
Pacific patriotism, 255 
Pacifist, 256 
Painful new ideas, 288 
Panic, the 196 
Pantomimic gestures, 32 
Papin, 163 
Parental forces, 189 
Influence, 72 
Tendencies, 76 ff. 
Parents, and children, 210, 284 
Foster, 73 
Paris, 242 
Parliamentary rules, 197 
Participator crowd, the, 195 
Partisanship, 195, 256 
Patent Office of U. S., 162 
Pater, the, 250 
Paternal love, 84 
Patriarchal family, 132 
Patriarchalism, 250 
Patriotism, 209 
Social Psychology of, 250 ff. 
Party, political, 256 
Peace, 256, 259 
League to Enforce, 263 
Permanent groups, 204 ff. 
Personal belief, 278 
Liberty values, 266 
Personality, 13, 53 
Development of, 177 
Persuasion, 219 
Philosophical values, 265 
Philosophy, 272 
Protective, 283 ff. 
Physical contacts, 29 
Education, 233 
Physique, in leadership, 169 
Pity, 81 
Plato, cited, 19 
Play, Social psychology of, 74 ff. 
Tendencies, 93 
Pogrom, the, 125, 196, 238 
Poise and leadership, 171 
Political autocracy, 291 
Polyandry, 205 
Polygyny, 205 
Poor memories, 52 
Positive social control, 285 
Potential race similarity, 236 
Prejudice, race, 83, 233 ff. 
Press, the and social control, 280 
Preservation, race, 234 
Self- 194 
Pressure, social, 128 
Prestige, 115, 118, 137 
Pride, race, 235 
Primary, group, the, 209 ff. 
Printing, 166 
Priority, group, 187 
Prisoners, confinement of, 70 
Problem, -solving methods, 16 
World, 264 
Process of re-creating, 51 
Socialization, 243 
Professjonal patriotism, 253 
Professions, social psychology of, 
206 
Profiteer, the, 254 
Profiteering, 253 
Profitism, 271 
Progress and conflict, 217, 225 
By revolution, 290 
Concept of, 269 
Social, 293 ff. 
Social theory of, 218 
Progressiveness, in fashion, 130 
Proletariat, the, 192 
Promotion, as a desire, 85 
Propaganda, 215 
Propensity, fighting, 226 
Protective philosophy of groups, 
283 ff. 
Provincial patriotism, 256 
Psychic energy and leadership, 170 
Psychical contacts, 29 
Psycho-societary duel, 220 ff. 
Public, the, 200 ff. 
Opinion, 203 
Public opinion, and social control, 
281 
World, 263 
Pugnacious patriotism, 252 
Pugnaciousness, 216, 225 
Puritans, the, 283 
Race, assimilation, 233 
Differences, 236 ff. 
Prejudice, hate in, 83 
Preservation, 234 
Pride, 235 
Social psychology of, 233 ff. 
Races, 269 
Racial conflict, 216 
Racing fashion, 130 
Radio public, 203 
Rational imitation, 120, 142 
Ratzenhofer, Gustave, 223 
Reason, 52 
Reactions, cognitive, 50 
Feeling, 40 
Habitual, 43 
Instinctive, 38 
Volitional, 53 
Recidivistic tendencies, 195 
Reciprocity, 224 
Recitation, socialized, 243 
Re-creation process, 51 
Reflection, social, 91 
Religion, 261, 262, 272 
Religious, crazes, 125 
Denominations, 208 
Values, 265 
Remembering, 51 
Representative group, 176 
Repressive control, 283 ff. 
Reputation, 88 
Research, scientific, 57 INDEX 
319 
Response, group, mechanisms of, 
191 
Responsibility, distribution of, 193 
Social sense of, 243, 270 
Respect, 80 
For law, 73, 258 
For social order, 197 
Social, 180 
Restraints, social, 275 
Revenge, 82 
Reversion, 197 
Revolution, 287 
Revolutionary change, 290 
Propaganda, 258 
Rise of social psychology, 18 
Ritual, 277 
Romans, contributions of, 265 
Romantic love, 83 
Roosevelt, Theodore, 278 
Ross, Edward Alsworth, 22, 50, 
109, 112, 117, 187, 197 
Rulership, 270 
Rules, parliamentary, 197 
Russia, 291 
Savery, Thomas, 163 
Slavs, 236 
Saxons, the, 221 
Sect, the, 208 
Schools, and social control, 280 
Schopenhauer, cited, 92 
Science, 262, 272 
Scientific discussion, 241 
Research, origin of, 57 
Self, mirthful, 93 
Sacrifice values, 266 
Social mirror, 86 ff. 
Self development, 72 
Self-preservation, 196 
Self-respect, 80, 88 
Selves, conflict of, 90 
Sentiments, social, 77 ff. 
Separation, 236 
Service values, 271 
Sex, and parental tendencies, 71 ff. 
Differentiation, 131 
Ornamentation, 131 
Shame, 81 
Sidis, Boris, cited, 92, 111 
Sighele, Scipio, cited, 200 
Simmel, Georg, 223 
Singing, 278, 281 
Small, Albion W., 223 
Social adjustment and conflict, 224 
Aptitude, 69 
Ascendancy, 187 
Attitudes, 286 
Change, 24, 182 
Chaos, 276 
Consciousness, of children, 102 
Contact, 29 
Control, 15, 22, 276 ff. 
Criticism, 294 
Crust, 287 
Destruction, 218, 287 
Disintegration, 287 
Emotions, 77 
Encouragement, 27S, 285 
Environment, 50, 181 
Evil, the, 71 
Heredity, 287 
Ideals, basis of, 71 
Inhibition, 283 
Injustice, 258 
Inspiration, 283 
Interstimulation, 215, 262, 275 
Justice, 286 
Mirror, 84, 86 
Mirror self, the, 86 
Nature, 69, 248 
Order, Western, 265 
Personality, 13 
Growth of, 101 ff. 
Pressure, 128, 275 
Process, 24 
Progress, 293 ff. 
Theory of, 218 
Racing, 130 
Reflection, 91 
Responsibility, 243, 270 
Restraints, 275, 287 
Satisfaction, 161 
Sedition, 276 
Sentiments, 77 
Solidarity, 266 
Spirit, 69, 93, 226 
Stupefaction, 287 
Telesis, 286 
Transition, 182 
Unrest, 182, 286 
Values, 249 
Vision, 287 
Social Psychology, rise of, 18 
Of fashion, 121 ff. 
Of occupations, 206 ff. 
Of patriotism, 250 ff. 
Of race prejudice, 233 ff. 
Of war, 225 
Socialism, 59 
Marxian, 260 
Socialization process, 243 
Socialized habit, 47 
Personality, 52, 103 ff. 
Thinking, 298 
Socially, reflected behavior, 84 
Of groups, 91 
Society, evolutionary, 288 
Literary, the, 243 
Obligation of, to educate, 183 
Socio-rational imitation, 121, 142 ff. 
Solitude, effect of on prisoners, 70 
Sorrow, 77 
Special abilities, 178 
Aptitudes, 56 
Spectator crowd, the, 195 
Speculation, 271 
Speech, freedom of, 194 
Spencer, Herbert, cited, 92 
Spirit, social, the, 69, 93, 226 320 
ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 
Spiritual forces, 271 
State, the, 209 
Steam engine, the, 162 
Stimulation, 28 ff. 
Stimuli, group, 190. 
Subconscious behavior, 49 
Suggestibility, 112 ff., 193 
Suggestion, 14, 21, 108 ff. 
Sully, James, 92 
Superiority, 118 
Theory of, 192 
Superstitions, 166 
Super-national loyalty, 259 
Super-patriots, 259 
Survival of the fittest, 70, 219 
Symbols of expression, 31, 34 
Sympathetic emotion, 78 
Sympathy, 78 ff. 
Social, 248 
Taboos, 74 
Tagore, Rabindranath, 265 
Talent, inherited, 179 
Talker, characteristics of a good, 35 
Talking, 35 
Tarde, Gabriel, cited, 21, 117, 141, 
165, 187, 220 
Teaching, 33 
Team organization, 223 
Work, 76 
Telesis, social, 286 
Temporary groups, 192 
Tendency, acquisitive, 59 
Combative, 63 
Instinctive, 39 ff. 
Terror, 79 
Teutons, 266 
Theory of degradation, 92 
Of incongruity, 92 
Of superiority, 192 
Thinking, and feeling, 193 
As a habit, 48 
Creative, 211 
Socialized, 298 
World, 264 
Thrift, 229 
Tierra del Fuego, 278 
Tolerance, 222 
Traditions and progress, 228 
False, 236 
Inherited, 277 
Training, value of, 180 
Traitorism, 257 
Transformation in invention, 164 
Transmission of civilization, 190 
Tribalism, 251 
Truth, the, 240 
Turgot, cited, 292 
Unconscious imitation, 116 
Uniqueness, margin of, 168 
United States Patent Office, 162 
Unity, group, 249 
Universal language, 203, 272 
Unrest, social, 182 
Utility, in conventions, 137 
Utopia, 20 
Values, cultural, 21 
Group, 250 
Of Eastern civilization, 266 ff. 
Of Western civilization, 265 ff. 
Service, 271 
Social, 249 
Variation, race, 237 
Veneration, custom, 266 
Versailles, Treaty of, 242 
Violence, 292 
Vocal language, 32 
Vocational guidance, 168, 182 
Volition, 53 
Wallas, Graham, cited, 24 
Wants, creation of, 129 
War, 65, 220, 225 ff. 
War, World, 91, 229, 253, 255 
Money cost of, 230 
Ward, Lester F., cited, 21, 179 
Washington, as a leader, 172, 259 
Watch words, 257 
Watt, James, 162 
Wesleyanism, 292 
Western civilization, 264 
Williams, J. M., 24 
Wilson, Woodrow, 227, 242, 260 
Woman, ability of, 178 
World community loyalty, 262 ff. 
Problems, 264 
Progress, 296 
Public, 204 
Public opinion, 263 
Yokohama, 237